The News Media’s Shift to Upscale Audiences

2019 ◽  
pp. 69-108
Author(s):  
Christopher Martin
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
News Media ◽  
Mass Audience ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The U.S

Chapter 3 analyzes how the U.S. news media made a significant and devastating shift from targeting a mass audience to an upscale, middle class audience beginning in the late 1960s. The chapter draws on dozens of images of the newspapers’ own advertising aimed at corporate advertisers in the long-time industry publication Editor and Publisher, which illustrate the newspaper industry’s change in direction.

Gender and Professionalization in the Origins of the U.S. Welfare State: The Careers of Sophonisba Breckinridge and Edith Abbott, 1890–1935

1990 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 290-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robyn Muncy
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
Social Welfare ◽  
Progressive Era ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Public Welfare ◽  
Welfare Programs ◽  
The Great Depression ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The U.S

In response to New Deal legislation, veteran reformer Molly Dewson exclaimed: “I cannot believe I have lived to see this day. It's the culmination of what us girls and some of you boys have been working for for so long it's just dazzling.” Historians have subsequently confirmed Dewson's judgment that female New Dealers had been hawking their agenda for a long time before Franklin Roosevelt's administration finally bought it. Indeed, Clarke A. Chambers, Susan Ware, and J. Stanley Lemons have carefully documented the activities of a large contingent of women who inaugurated their battle for public welfare programs during the Progressive Era (1890–1920), continued their fight through the 1920s—a decade that one activist called the “tepid, torpid years”—and stood ready with their programs when the Great Depression renewed the possibility of federal welfare legislation in the 1930s. Now we need an explanation for the continuity of this female commitment to public welfare programs: Why was it that middle-class women played such a prominent part in sustaining the Progressive Era's social welfare agenda into the 1930s.

Engineering Management for Zone Construction of Ships

1985 ◽  
Vol 1 (04) ◽  
pp. 266-287
Author(s):  
Thomas Lamb
Keyword(s):  
Engineering Management ◽  
Shipbuilding Industry ◽  
Ship Construction ◽  
Production Department ◽  
Engineering Department ◽  
Traditionally Prepared ◽  
Hard Times ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Do So

Zone construction has been proposed as the way for the U.S. shipbuilding industry to improve its productivity and survive the current hard times. Obviously as the production requirements for zone construction are different from traditional ship construction, so are the engineering requirements. While production could perform zone construction from traditionally prepared engineering, it would do so inefficiently and after waiting a long time for most of the engineering to be completed before they could start, thus defeating one of the goals of zone construction. The production department in a shipyard changing to zone construction will probably reorganize into major zone sections. To obtain maximum benefits from zone construction it is necessary for the engineering department to be like-organized and managed. The paper therefore discusses engineering aspects that are influenced by the change to zone construction

From Ni putes ni soumises to #metoo in the French press: Between the hegemony of Whiteness and the Otherness of Muslims

2021 ◽  
pp. 095715582110217
Author(s):  
Marion Dalibert
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
News Media ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
White Women ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
Cultural Power ◽  
Majority Groups ◽  
Feminist Movements

By questioning the media coverage of the seven feminist movements that have received most publicity in the French mainstream media since the 2000s, this article shows that the media narrative regarding feminism perpetuates the national metanarrative produced in generalist newspapers. This metanarrative reinforces the power of majority groups by portraying them as inherently egalitarian, while those with the least economic, social, political and cultural power, such as Muslim men, are portrayed as the most sexist. It also highlights that racialised collectives are still socially invisible or limited to a visibility that is framed by representations rooted in a (post) colonial imaginary. Non-white women are in fact presented as fundamentally submissive, while (upper)-middle-class white women are the only ones associated with emancipation, which is significant of white and bourgeois hegemony at work in the French news media.

Reframing Solidarity: Company Magazine as Family Album

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-67
Author(s):  
Courtney Maloney
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Labor Unions ◽  
Union Membership ◽  
Cultural Dimension ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Standards Of Living ◽  
Concomitant Reduction ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The U.S

We are witnessing a time of shrinking labor unions across the globe. Among member states of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, rates of union membership have declined from 30% in 1985 to 20% today (McCarthy 2017). In the U.S., the current rate is just 10.7% (Yadoo 2018). We have seen along with this the concomitant reduction in working-class and middle-class standards of living. Technological, political, and economic factors have impacted this change, but there is a cultural dimension to it as well. From the moment industrial unions in the U.S. gained power, corporations began to counter workingclass solidarity with alternative narratives that emphasized individualism, domesticity, and leisure. This article illuminates such efforts with a reading of one particularly sophisticated example from the mid-twentieth century, in which a steel corporation’s company magazine used workers’ own participation and self-representations in an effort to reorient notions of solidarity toward an identification with the corporation as family.

scholarly journals Visualizing Simultaneity in Diasporic Public Spheres: The case of the Mexican Diaspora in the U.S.

JOMEC Journal ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Gabriel Moreno Esparza ◽  
Rosa Angélica Martínez Téllez
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
News Media ◽  
The Body ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Spheres ◽  
Interactive Spaces ◽  
Digital News ◽  
And Migration ◽  
The U.S

This article argues that explorations of interactive spaces afforded by digital news media provide a dynamic platform to visualize the prospects for the political participation of diasporas in their countries of origin and residence. In this case, a breakdown of the frequency of comments across a variety of news sections about Mexico and the U.S. in Univision.com uncovered a lively range of interactions between news forum participants, signalling simultaneous interest in on-going events and processes in the two countries. The dual national orientations highlighted by these findings ‘touch base’ with the body of literature about media and migration, which has in recent times recognised the interconnectedness of immigrants-sending and receiving societies, whilst offering a more refined conceptualization of the concept of simultaneity in regard to diasporic public spheres.

scholarly journals The royal blood. Polish descendants of Sigismund I the Old and Katarzyna Telniczanka in the old Polish times

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-66
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Anusik
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Married Couple ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
Long Time

The research undertaken by the Author concentrates on Polish descendants of Regina, the elder of two daughters of King Sigismund I the Old and his long time mistress – Katarzyna Telniczanka. Until now, it was assumed that the last descendants of the king were his great-grandsons – Władysław Strasz of Białaczów and his sister Krystyna who lived in the first half of the 17th century. Thanks to the documents found by the Author, it was possible to establish that the mother of the above-mentioned Władysław and Krystyna – Urszula Strasz née Kreza, had a sister – Zofia, who married Baltazar Lutomirski. From her daughter, Zofia née Lutomirski 1st married Stanisław Trembiński (Trębiński), 2nd married Franciszek Szamowski, come all descendants of Sigismund I the Old and Katarzyna Telniczanka, both historical and living ones. The article presents a list of all the king’s descendants from the beginning of the 16th to the turn of the 18th and 19th century. In total, it was 114 people (58 men and 56 women). It is worth noting that until the end of the first quarter of the 17thcentury, the descendants of Sigismund I and Katarzyna Telniczanka were Calvinists. They were almost exclusively representatives of wealthy and middle-class nobles. There were no senators among them and only a few were land officers. Yet, the Author’s list of descendants of the penultimate Jagiellon on the Polish throne is by no means complete. In a few cases it was impossible to find a source that would confirm whether a married couple mentioned in the article had children. Many times the Author had to underline that the fate of a certain person is unknown to him. This stands a chance for further researchers to fill that gap.

Apathy and Color-Blindness in Privatized Immigration Control

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 533-547 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kim Ebert ◽  
Wenjie Liao ◽  
Emily P. Estrada
Keyword(s):  
Immigration Policy ◽  
News Media ◽  
Normal Component ◽  
Color Blindness ◽  
The Public ◽  
Immigration Control ◽  
For Profit ◽  
Control Research ◽  
The U.S

Despite several widely covered scandals involving the role of for-profit corporations in administering immigration policy, the privatization of immigration control continues apace with the criminalization of immigration. How does this practice sustain its legitimacy among the public amid so much controversy? Recent studies on the criminalization of immigration suggest that supporters would explicitly vilify immigrants to defend the privatization of immigration control. Research on racialized social control, on the other hand, implies that proponents would avoid explicit racism and vilification and instead rely on subtler narratives to validate the practice. Drawing on a qualitative analysis of over 600 frames derived from nearly 200 news media articles spanning over 20 years, we find that journalists and their sources rarely vilify immigrants to justify the privatization of immigration control. Instead, they frame the privatization of immigration detention as a normal component of population management and an integral part of the U.S. economy through what we call the apathy strategy—a pattern of void in which not only the systematic oppression of immigrants is underplayed, immigrant themselves also become invisible.

Moral Panic and the Prostitute in Partitioned Poland: Middle-Class Respectability in Defense of the Modern Nation

Slavic Review ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 557-581 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keely Stauter-Halsted
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
News Media ◽  
Sex Trafficking ◽  
Moral Panic ◽  
Venereal Disease ◽  
White Slavery ◽  
Dangerous Behavior ◽  
National Body ◽  
Polish Language

In the early twentieth century, police-regulated prostitution experienced a burst of attention from Polish-language news media. In this article, Keely Stauter-Halsted considers the extended moment of “moral panic” that unfolded when a series of public exposes revealed the scope and potential dangers of sex trafficking. Taking into account the ways “respectable” urban audiences absorbed revelations of illicit commercial transactions on city streets and increased “white slavery” activity beyond the Polish lands, Stauter-Halsted stresses the image of the prostitute as a threat to the embattled nation. The figure of the impoverished, morally compromised streetwalker encroaching on bourgeois social spaces and invading the bourgeois home challenged the sense of middle-class respectability so crucial to Polish national regeneration. By exposing innocent members of the community to sexually dangerous behavior, the prostitute came to represent decay, degeneration, and venereal disease attacking the national body, a conclusion used by social purity activists in their protoeugenics campaigns.

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