Morbid Subjects

2020 ◽  
pp. 110-129
Author(s):  
Trais Pearson

This chapter reveals how Siamese state officials came to see unnatural death as a specter of foreign violence against Siamese bodies and how they appealed to medicolegal science to address this problem. In stark contrast to other colonial legal jurisdictions, where medical jurisprudence helped to bolster (white) racial privilege, the chapter argues that medicolegal concern rendered the dead and injured bodies of Siamese subjects into potentially powerful pieces of leverage against foreign residents. These residents often enjoyed extraterritorial legal privileges from the consular officials and institutions who protected them. To consider the broader conditions that helped to make unnatural death and forensic medicine a forum for political contestation in Siam, the chapter highlights two such factors: extraterritorial legal rights and the associated problem of differential standards of medicolegal evidence in foreign consular courts and the registration of Asian immigrants in Siam as the political subjects of foreign powers. Both cases offer surprising evidence suggesting that under certain conditions political affiliation transcended racial difference in the colonial world.

2017 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 394-420 ◽  
Author(s):  
QUENTIN (TRAIS) PEARSON

AbstractThis article examines the question of Siamese sovereignty in the era of high imperialism through the lens of medical jurisprudence. Although Siam (Thailand) was never formally colonized, it was subject to unequal trade treaties that established extraterritorial legal rights for foreign residents. In cases where a foreign resident was suspected of having harmed a Siamese subject, the Siamese state had to appeal to foreign consular officials to file charges against the suspect. Standards of forensic evidence were crucial in such cases. While medical jurisprudence helped to bolster racial privilege in other colonial legal jurisdictions, this article argues that these disputes rendered the dead and injured bodies of Siamese subjects into potentially powerful pieces of leverage against foreign residents and their political representatives. The dead bodies of Siamese subjects became grounds for challenging foreign courts and asserting Siamese sovereignty.


Information ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 148
Author(s):  
Mahdi Hashemi

Disinformation campaigns on online social networks (OSNs) in recent years have underscored democracy’s vulnerability to such operations and the importance of identifying such operations and dissecting their methods, intents, and source. This paper is another milestone in a line of research on political disinformation, propaganda, and extremism on OSNs. A total of 40,000 original Tweets (not re-Tweets or Replies) related to the U.S. 2020 presidential election are collected. The intent, focus, and political affiliation of these political Tweets are determined through multiple discussions and revisions. There are three political affiliations: rightist, leftist, and neutral. A total of 171 different classes of intent or focus are defined for Tweets. A total of 25% of Tweets were left out while defining these classes of intent. The purpose is to assure that the defined classes would be able to cover the intent and focus of unseen Tweets (Tweets that were not used to determine and define these classes) and no new classes would be required. This paper provides these classes, their definition and size, and example Tweets from them. If any information is included in a Tweet, its factuality is verified through valid news sources and articles. If any opinion is included in a Tweet, it is determined that whether or not it is extreme, through multiple discussions and revisions. This paper provides analytics with regard to the political affiliation and intent of Tweets. The results show that disinformation and extreme opinions are more common among rightists Tweets than leftist Tweets. Additionally, Coronavirus pandemic is the topic of almost half of the Tweets, where 25.43% of Tweets express their unhappiness with how Republicans have handled this pandemic.


Paragraph ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 387-402 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annie Ring

This article turns its attention to the accounts that Foucault and Derrida made following their encounters with archives, and it relates these accounts to the files of the former East German secret police. Derrida and Foucault located differing qualities of authority in the archives that they consulted, yet they are shown here to converge around a problem of non-integrity in the structuration of the archive as supposed guarantor of epistemological sovereignty. A terminology of sovereign integrity dominates the Stasi's files, so that they sit in stark contrast with the literary and cinematic texts that grapple with the Stasi's legacy — texts that are beset with images of inconsistency and perforation. When read in dialogue with the poststructuralist accounts of the archive, these spy files and the cultural works that emerged after their opening enable new reflection on the ethics of visiting archives, as an act of doing justice that nonetheless risks collapsing the fragments of complex pasts into the narrative wholes of the political present.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Rahmad Saputra ◽  
Muradi Muradi ◽  
Leo Agustino

The purpose of this study is to look at how the relationship between local parties and national parties has not been revealed publicly, analyze the objectives of Aceh Party affiliation with national parties in the 2019 legislative elections and Analyze what strategies Aceh parties play in affiliating with national parties in the 2019 legislative elections. This study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive methods. Data collection techniques to be carried out in this study consisted of semi-structured interviews, observations, and documentation studies to find out the purpose of the political affiliation of Aceh party cadres to national parties. Through this research, it was found that the Aceh Party continues to strive to consistently fight for the interests of Aceh, especially in the issue of special autonomy that has not yet been realized. Then the Aceh Party as a local party that won the General Election in Aceh since 2009 has continued to try to maintain the acquisition of seats and expand the interests of the party, especially at the national level by placing its cadres in the national party.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Baihaki Baihaki

The study focuses on the discussion of a political polemic which has led to theological disputes and has subsequently created various types of interpretations of the Qur’ān. In this context, the author limits the discussion into three main treasures, namely Sunnī, Shī‘ah, and Mu‘tazilah. The polemic commenced due the succession process of Abu Bakr’s caliphate. It has been known that the Sunnī group claimed Abu Bakr as the successor of the Prophet Muhammad, while the Shī‘ah people demanded ‘Alī b. Abī Ṭālib as the one who possesses right to be the successor of the Prophet. Different political affiliation has consequently led to different interpretations of the Holy texts produced by these different groups. It is, therefore, interesting to observe how the similar Qur’anic verses are interpreted differently. Comparing inter-stream interpretations of the Qur’ān will show us the difference and contestation of meaning among them. This article will demonstrate how an interpreter of al-Qur’ān has been always influenced by the context of his/her historical background and expertise, including the political ideology he or she affiliated to.


Author(s):  
Liazzat J. K. Bonate ◽  
Jonna Katto

Mozambique is divided into matrilineal north and patrilineal south, while the central part of the country has a mixture of the two. Both types of kinship organization have important implications for the situation of women. Women in matrilineal societies could access land and political and decision-making power. They had their own property and their children belonged to their matrikin. In patrilineal societies, women depended on their husbands and their kin groups in order to access farmland. Children and property belonged to the husband’s clan. During the colonial period (c. 1890–1975), women’s position in Mozambique was affected by the Indigenato regime (1917–1961). The native African population (classified as indígenas) were denied the rights of Portuguese citizenship and placed under the jurisdiction of local “traditional habits and customs” administered by the appointed chiefs. Despite the fact that Portuguese citizenship was extended to all independent of creed and race by the 1961 Overseas Administrative Reform, most rural African areas remained within the Indigenato regime until the end of colonialism in 1974. Portuguese colonialism adopted an assimilationist and “civilizing” stance and tried to domesticate African women and impose a patriarchal Christian model of family and gender relations. Women were active in the independence struggle and liberation war (1964–1974), contributing greatly to ending colonialism in Mozambique. In 1973, Frelimo launched a nationwide women’s organization, Organização da Mulher Moçambicana (Organization of Mozambican Women, OMM). Although women were encouraged to work for wages in the first decade after independence, they remained largely limited to the subsistence economy, especially in rural areas. The OMM upheld the party line describing women as “natural” caregivers. Only with the political and economic liberalizations of the 1990s were many women able to access new opportunities. The merging of various women’s organizations working in the country during this period helped to consolidate decades-long efforts to expand women’s political and legal rights in independent Mozambique. In the early 2000s, these efforts led to the reform of the family law, which was crucial for the improvement of women’s rights and conditions in Mozambique.


Author(s):  
Martin Partington

This final chapter reflects further on the theme, pervasive throughout the book of the transformation of the legal system over the last 20 years. It reflects on the pressures that have underpinned the transformation agenda. It examines the political, financial, and competitive pressures that have led to the need for reform. It contemplates the further changes that are now in progress. The chapter highlights the challenges that the transformation programme must face, stressing in particular the need to ensure much improved access to justice. It considers briefly the importance of public legal education in helping people understand their legal rights and obligations and the need for a properly funded programme of public legal education.


Author(s):  
Martin Partington

This examines the transformation of the legal system over the last twenty years. It contemplates the further changes that are now in progress. It examines the political and financial pressures that have led to the need for reform and the challenges that the transformation programme must face, stressing in particular the need to ensure access to justice. It considers briefly the importance of public legal education in helping people understand their legal rights and obligations.


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