scholarly journals Ideologi Politik dalam Khazanah Penafsiran: Ayat-ayat Legitimatif al-Qur’ān pada Kasus Suksesi Abū Bakr al-Ṣiddīq

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Baihaki Baihaki

The study focuses on the discussion of a political polemic which has led to theological disputes and has subsequently created various types of interpretations of the Qur’ān. In this context, the author limits the discussion into three main treasures, namely Sunnī, Shī‘ah, and Mu‘tazilah. The polemic commenced due the succession process of Abu Bakr’s caliphate. It has been known that the Sunnī group claimed Abu Bakr as the successor of the Prophet Muhammad, while the Shī‘ah people demanded ‘Alī b. Abī Ṭālib as the one who possesses right to be the successor of the Prophet. Different political affiliation has consequently led to different interpretations of the Holy texts produced by these different groups. It is, therefore, interesting to observe how the similar Qur’anic verses are interpreted differently. Comparing inter-stream interpretations of the Qur’ān will show us the difference and contestation of meaning among them. This article will demonstrate how an interpreter of al-Qur’ān has been always influenced by the context of his/her historical background and expertise, including the political ideology he or she affiliated to.

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 88-105
Author(s):  
Sergey B. Margulis

The purpose of this article is the analysis of the theoretical foundations of radical Islamism as a political ideology and consideration of the main historical stages of its formation, on the examples of specific religious and political figures. The article presents the main principles of the theorists of radical Islam, on the ideological basis of which there are modern extremist groups such as “Islamic State”, “Al-Qaeda”, “Hizbut-Tahrir” and many others.The author addresses the Koran and the collection of Hadiths “Musnad” by Ahmad ibn Hanbal, as well as the works of Ibn Taymiyyah, Ibn Wahhab, Hassan al-Banna, Seyyid Kutub, Abu al-Al Al-Maududi, etc., as well as the works of local and foreign scholars in this research area. The article is divided into two main parts, the first of which is devoted to the basic postulates of radical Islam, the second is focused on their practical implementation in the political practice of Muslim States. The author came to the conclusion that throughout the history Islamic radicalis periodically received a substantial distribution as one of the answers of the Muslim world, on the one hand, to external pressure, and on the other to the processes happening within itself that a certain group of “zealots” interpreted as the deviation from the true meaning of the religion.


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 377-395
Author(s):  
Agostino Marchetto

The contribution starts with a status quaestionis which concerns its title about the hermeneutics of Vatican ii, well based in historical background. The roots are grounded in the difference between “event” and “occurrence” – in italian “evento” e “avvenimento”. This is linked with the change in the perspective of historiography realized in the first part of the last century. The vision of continuity (see “Annales”) was put aside, introducing the one of “events”, which are linked with “ruptures” and not continuity in the course of history. With this frame we can understand that in the one of the Church there must be consideration for the hermeneutics expressed finally in the formula of the title closed by a question mark, that is: D.H.: rupture or reform and renewal in the continuity of the unique subject the Church? The answer is: no rupture in discontinuity but reform and renewal. The initial input of the contribution are the speeches of Pope Francis in the U.S.A. and U.N., an answer to the actual Sitz im Leben as far as religious freedom in nowadays society, 50 years after D.H., in a moment in which more attention is given to the texts of Vatican ii, concretely avoiding to consider “the Council of the Press” (Pope Benedict) instead of the one “of the conciliar Fathers” (= participants). The procedure of the author is certainly inspired by the volume Vatican ii. La liberté religieuse, ed. by J. Hamer and Y. Congar. The first point of attention therefore in the analysis is “homogeneous evolution of the pontifical doctrine on the matter”. It is a fundamental vision which allows even a dogmatic evolution, if it is homogeneous. In fact, the Declaration represented a development of the doctrine, a step forward in the progress of civilization, a progress in the catholic doctrine but in the line of no contradiction. And at this point the thoughts of the two fundamental pillars allowing this step forward are presented; they are J. Courtney Murray and P. Pavan. Very important is the Courtney’s statement in this regard, the following: “The doctrine of D.H. is in plenitude traditional, but it is also new, in the sense that tradition is always a developing and progressive tradition”. The author presents later on some essential elements of the right to religious freedom, with the most important and solemn affirmation in the text (N. 2): This Vatican Council declares that the human person has the right to religious freedom. It is truly an historical affirmation in the life of the Church and also for the human family. It follows the study of the relation between religious freedom and the public powers and the illustration of the education to exercise freedom under the light of the Revelation. In the final part of the essay the author analyses…some consequences of D.H. without forgetting a judgment about the actual situation of religious freedom in the world which is becoming always more serious and worrying. Here two citations of Archbishop Paul R. Gallagher, Secretary of the Relations with the States of the Papal Secretariat, are exemplary, that is: “Unfortunately we have to admit that for years the question of the violence against Christians was not taken in serious consideration. – He concluded: Even if we cannot speak of persecution in the old continent [Europe] nevertheless we must not underestimate the rather alarming phenomenon of the intolerance of religious character”.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 367-378 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joris Boonen ◽  
Ellen Quintelier ◽  
Marc Hooghe

Within research on the political influence that social network members exert on one another, some studies rely on information obtained directly from different members in the network separately (self-reported measures), while others rely on information obtained from one key informant within the social network (measures based on perception). We investigate the difference between these self-reported and perceived measures by analyzing the correspondence of voting intentions within the family. On the one hand, we examine this correspondence using information obtained from only one family member. On the other hand, we use the self-reported measures obtained from all family members separately. We use data from the Parent-Child Socialization Study (PCSS), a survey conducted among 2,085 mothers, fathers and children in the Flemish region of Belgium (2012). Our analyses suggest that using perceptual measures could lead researchers to different or even opposite conclusions than using self-reported measures from all individual respondents.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Prieto-Rodriguez ◽  
Rafael Salas ◽  
Douglas Noonan ◽  
Francisco Tomas Cabeza-Martinez ◽  
Javier Ramos-Gutierrez

Covid-19 pandemic was a challenge for the health systems of many countries. It altered people's way of life and shocked the world economy. In the United States, political ideology has clashed with the fight against the pandemic. President Trump's denial prevailed despite the warnings from the WHO and scientists who alerted of the seriousness of the situation. Despite this, some state governments did not remain passive in the absence of federal government measures, and passed laws restricting mobility (lockdowns). Consequently, the political polarity was accentuated. On the one hand, the defenders of more severe public health measures and, on the other, the advocates of individual rights and freedom above any other consideration. In this study, we analyze whether political partisanship and the political ideology has influenced the way Covid-19 was handled at the outbreak. Specifically, we analyze by using a Diff-in-Diff model, whether the ideology of each state, measure at three levels, affected the decrease in the NO2 levels observed after the pandemic outbreak in the US. We distinguish three alternative post-Covid periods and results show that the State ideology has a robust negative impact on the NO2 levels. There is an important difference between Democratic and Republican states, not just in the scope and following-up of the mobility and activity restrictions, but also in the speed they implemented them.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas H Costello

The present investigation examined curvilinear relations between left-right political ideology, on the one hand, and absolute certainty and dogmatism, on the other, across six community samples (N = 2889). Ideological extremists were more likely than others to be absolutely certain: about 1 in 3 extremists reported being absolutely (i.e., 100%) certain of the correctness of their political beliefs, whereas about 1 in 15 non-extremists reported being absolutely certain. Although absolute political certainty was relatively symmetrical across the political left and right, conservatives tended to report greater domain-general dogmatism than liberals. Extremism effects for domain-general dogmatism were also present, however, such that Socialists and extreme conservatives demonstrated similar levels of dogmatism. Taken together, these findings underscore the complexity of relations between absolute certainty, dogmatism, and ideology, ultimately challenging the sufficiency of contemporary psychological accounts of ideological a/symmetries to describe our complex political reality.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sotiris Zartaloudis

<p>This paper discusses the levels, trends and causes<br />of income inequality in Europe and the US. On<br />the one hand, it finds that although market<br />income inequality has generally risen, it did so<br />more in some countries and less in others. On<br />the other hand, disposable income inequality<br />has had a puzzling irregular development. The<br />latter is higher in the US, whereas in Europe<br />three clusters of countries exist: Mediterranean<br />and Central and Eastern European (CEE)<br />countries have the highest disposable income<br />inequality –with the UK being the only rich EU<br />country belonging to this group. Continental<br />Europe has medium to low inequality while the<br />lowest is found in the Scandinavian ones. The<br />only exceptions to this ranking are some of the<br />CEEs who belong to the group with the lowest<br />disposable income inequality. It is argued that<br />the best explanation for this classification and the<br />national disposable income inequalities’ history<br />is the different national public policy, that is,<br />national redistributive policies, different taxation<br />systems and social security contributions, which<br />stems from the political ideology of the ruling<br />party, the overall effectiveness and generosity of<br />redistributive policies.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 57 ◽  
pp. 49-60
Author(s):  
Harmony Ki Tak Law

While the history of Chinese settlement in Canada is touted as an example of perseverance despite racist opposition and of socio-economic success under Canada’s immigration and multiculturalism policies, it is important to remember the very active role that Chinese Canadians played in their own trajectory. Throughout its history, the Chinese Canadian community has engaged in civic and political activism, on the one hand, and the promotion of positive stereotypes associated with assimilation into Euro-Canadian society on the other. Both of these approaches can be seen in the political memoirs of two prominent Chinese Canadian women: My Journey by Olivia Chow, a Member of Parliament who focused her career on a plethora of social justice initiatives; and Heart Matters by Adrienne Clarkson, a former Governor General who deemphasizes her Chinese heritage in order to mould herself into the ideal Canadian citizen. Despite these clear differences in political ideology and personal identity, both Chow and Clarkson’s memoirs reveal the ways in which Chinese Canadians can not only claim full belonging as Canadian citizens, but also interrogate systemic forms of racism and inequality.


2020 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 380-404
Author(s):  
Pascasie Minani Passy ◽  
Abdoulaye Gueye

This article deals with the level of political representation of ethnoracial minority groups in the legislative assemblies of Ontario and British Columbia. It aims at evaluating several theories on the level of political representation of ethnoracial minorities on the one hand, and on the difference between the levels of political representation of these groups on the other hand. One of its main inputs is theoretical. First, it introduces a complexification of the residential concentration theory and, above all of the premise of ethnic affinity by suggesting that a distinction should be made between two concepts: on the one hand centripetal ethnic affinity and, on the other hand, transversal ethnic affinity. The first concept deals with emotional tendencies – expressed by concrete acts – of members of an ethnic group to answer favorably to the incitement of individuals (As) who have the same ethnic identity than them (the As), against individuals of a different ethnicity (the Bs). Moreover, the concept of transversal ethnic affinity is of foremost importance here, as we talk about the political dynamism of pluriethnic societies where the distinction between majority and minority is far from enlightening, as each of these entities is composite, including indeed several ethnic groups whose interests converge as much as they differ according to the situations. This concept also draws its usefulness from the opportunity it offers to measure the meaning within the political space of the dichotomy between ‘white majority group’ and ‘racialized minority.’ On the methodological side, this article proceeds from the complete counting of legislative elections’ results that took place in 2018 in Ontario and 2017 in British Columbia, according to two main criteria: a) the ethnoracial identification of elected candidates, and b) the ethnic distribution of the population living in the electoral districts that elected a member of an ethnoracial minority.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 240
Author(s):  
Syaiful Arif

ABSTRACT: Religious radicalism (Islam) developed the theological thought to counter-Pancasila and the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI), it can be fought and softened with Pancasila itself. This is due to the fact that the cause of such radicalism is a misunderstanding to the Pancasila and its political system. Pancasila is regarded as a secular political ideology, whereas it actually cared pattern for the relationship between religion and state that upholds the values of divinity on the one side, and the public virtue on the other side. Deradizalisation of religion based on Pancasila can be applied with two strategies. First, proving the existence of religious dimension of Pancasila and Republic of Indonesia to undermine the secular claims from the radical groups. Second, learning the nature of politics which contained in Pancasila. These nature of politics are more in line with the political ideals of Islam, rather than the ideology of Islamism which tends to the violent. KEYWORDS: Islam, radicalism, deradicalization, Pancasila.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Todor Kuljić

Socially acceptable ways to die have been historically variable. The paper gives a historical overview of what was considered a good death in Europe. The difference between the traditional, the modern and the postmodern view of a good death is highlighted. The real conditions of dying on average have undergone fundamental changes, thus the image of a normal death has shifted as well. The conditions and meaning of living have imposed a vision of its desirable ending. Earlier, a good death was prepared and one would die in the presence of a priest, afterwards dying took place in hospitals, and today death is even more isolated. The death of private and public persons has changed as well, along with ways of mourning. In politics, a good death was always the one which was endowed with symbolic capital. Traditionally, in many cultures the heroic death has been reserved for those sacrificing themselves in war, while today heroic dying is more inclusive. The political utilization of death was always dependent on the hegemonic pattern of a good death in the given historical context. The utilization of the symbolic capital of death hasn’t stopped; rather, it was adopted in accordance with new social complexity, along with the image of the socially acceptable death.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document