State Violence and the Problem of Political Legitimacy

2020 ◽  
pp. 59-93
Author(s):  
Colleen Woods
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
State Violence ◽  
Japanese Occupation ◽  
Labor Strikes ◽  
The Social ◽  
Symbolic Value ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter explores how the remobilization of colonial anticommunism in postwar politics was fundamentally connected to the legitimation of state violence and the strategic and symbolic value of the Philippines to U.S. empire in the age of decolonization. The upsurge and demand for social change in the postwar Philippines took many forms, from protests across barrios and villages of Central Luzon to large-scale labor strikes and the formation of new political parties. One particular group, the Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon—the People's Army against the Japanese—had fought against the Japanese occupation but had no intention of welcoming colonial elites back into power. As a consequence, Filipino political elites and their U.S. allies, intent on rebuilding the social order constructed during the U.S. colonial period, deemed the Hukbalahaps, or Huks, as threats to national—and eventually international—security. In effect, postwar U.S. policies in the Philippines not only helped to recriminalize peasant, labor, and progressive social movements, but they also helped fuel a nearly six-year-long civil war that would have long-standing effects on how both Americans and Filipino politicians and policymakers conceived of the Cold War and the wars of decolonization in Southeast Asia.

scholarly journals Reaksi Sultan dan Masyarakatnya terhadap Pendudukan Militer Jepang di Bima

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Yusuf Yusuf
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Agricultural Land ◽  
Control Area ◽  
Historical Science ◽  
Japanese Occupation ◽  
South Sulawesi ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
Local Residents ◽  
The Impact

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan latar belakang Jepang di Bima dan reaksi Sultan dan masyarakat Bima terhadap kedatangan Jepang serta dampaknya terhadap masyarakat. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan ilmu sejarah, sehingga tahap penelitian yang dilakukan adalah (1) Heuristik atau pengumpulan data, (2) Kritik (3) Interprtasi dan (4) Historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa bahwa Berdasarkan  pada pembagian wilayah kontrol pendudukan Jepang di Bima bahwa kawasan Indonesia bagian timur berada di bawah kontrol Armada (Angkatan) Laut yang berpusat di Makassar. Setelah menduduki Sulawesi Selatan pada tanggal 9 Februari 1942, Jepang terus melakukan gerak invasinya ke Nusa Tenggara, antara lain Kupang di Nusa Tenggara Timur (NTT) serta Bima di Kepulauan Sumbawa. Armada Laut Jepang dibawah pimpinan Kolonel Saito mendarat di Pelabuhan Bima pada tanggal 17 Juli 1942. Kedatangannya di sambut baik oleh penduduk setempat, sekalipun mereka (masyarakat Bima) di selimuti rasa khawatir atas rencana Asisten Residen Belanda, H.E. Haak untuk kembali berkuasa di Bima, karena itu dengan mudah Jepang menduduki Bima. Dampak keberadaan Jepang di Bima dibidang sosial diantaranya terjadi keresahan sosial dan porak-porandanya tata kehidupan sosial masyarakat. Agama dan adat yang selama ini dijunjung tinggi oleh masyarakat “terpaksa” harus dilanggar. Sementara dampak dibidang Ekonomi, berupa keterpurukkan Ekomomi, sebab masyarakat tidak lagi mencurahkan perhatian sepenuhnya untuk mengolah lahan pertaniannya. Penderitaan masyarakat berakhir setelah Jepang kalah dan menyerah tanpa syarat kepada sekutu pada bulan Agustus 1945. Sejak itu, pemerintahan pendudukan Jepang berakhir di Bima khususnya dan Indonesia pada umumnya. Kata Kunci: Pendudukan, Japang di BimaAbstractThis study aims to describe the background of Japan in Bima and the reaction of the Sultan and the people of Bima to the arrival of Japan and its impact on society. This study uses a historical science approach, so the stages of research carried out are (1) Heuristics or data collection, (2) Criticism (3) Interpretation and (4) Historiography. The results showed that based on the division of the Japanese occupation control area in Bima that the eastern part of Indonesia was under the control of the Naval Fleet (Force) based in Makassar. After occupying South Sulawesi on February 9, 1942, Japan continued to make its invasion moves to Nusa Tenggara, including Kupang in East Nusa Tenggara (NTT) and Bima in the Sumbawa Islands. The Japanese Sea Fleet under the leadership of Colonel Saito landed at the Port of Bima on July 17, 1942. His arrival was welcomed by local residents, even though they (the Bima people) were shrouded in worry over the plan of the Assistant Resident of the Netherlands, H.E. Haak to return to power in Bima, because it easily Japan occupied Bima. The impact of the existence of Japan in Bima in the social field included social unrest and ruins of the social order of the community. Religion and customs that have been upheld by the community are "forced" to be violated. While the impact on the economy, in the form of deterioration in the economy, is because the community no longer pays full attention to cultivate its agricultural land. The suffering of the people ended after Japan's defeat and surrender unconditionally to the allies in August 1945. Since then, the Japanese occupation government ended in Bima in particular and Indonesia in general. Keywords: Occupation, Japanese in Bima

scholarly journals Understanding the revival and survival of grass-roots associations in China: the perspective of four categories of legitimacy

2007 ◽  
Vol 13 (27) ◽  
pp. 49-68
Author(s):  
Gao Bingzhong
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Social Legitimacy ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
Legal Legitimacy ◽  
Social Associations ◽  
Administrative Legitimacy

Chinese grass-roots social groups have had a complicated relation with the social order during the past thirty years. This paper aims at using a series of practical concepts about legitimacy, from Weber and Habermas, to analyze the revival and present functioning of these groups, especially associations based on folk religion. As I see it, the fact that social groups are able to exist "normally" and to operate, even though they are not in conformity with the law, should be understood with the help of three categories: political legitimacy, administrative legitimacy and social legitimacy. At the end of the paper, I discuss the promulgation of the "Regulations for the Administration of Social Associations" which sets legal legitimacy as a core process integrating the three other kinds of legitimacy, and I examine the effort of government to require all social groups to possess full legitimacy.

From Subversion to Liberation: Homosexuals and the Immigration Act 1952–1977.

1987 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Girard
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Gender Roles ◽  
Family Life ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Sex Roles ◽  
Political Dissent ◽  
Traditional Gender Roles ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Cold War

Historians of the Cold War have tended to focus on the repression of political dissidents during that period, but only recently has attention been shifted to the simultaneous suppression of other types of non-conformity, such as sexual variance and non-traditional gender roles. Parallel to the repression of internal political dissent which accompanied the international Cold War, another, more subtle, campaign was proceeding. This was the attempt to re-establish the social order, based on family life and traditional sex roles, which the war had tended to undermine.

Prophets of Postmodern Provocation

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond A. Patton
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Everyday Life ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Pop Art ◽  
Avant Garde ◽  
The Social ◽  
Sex Pistols ◽  
Mutual Interest ◽  
Cold War Era ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter situates the rise of punk in the avant-garde artistic networks that spanned the First, Second, and Third Worlds of the Cold War era. It examines the roles of UK punk impresario Malcolm McLaren, who launched the Sex Pistols, and Polish punk impresario Henryk Gajewski, and the mutual interest between burgeoning punks and international art circles involved in avant-garde art movements such as Pop Art and Fluxus. It shows how punk evolved in dialogue with the wider phenomenon of postmodernism, challenging conventional metanarratives structuring the social order, blurring genres, and striking down the boundaries between art and everyday life.

scholarly journals Sýn Íslendinga á utanríkis- og öryggismál

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Silja Bára Ómarsdóttir
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Social Science Research ◽  
Science Research ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The University

Icelanders’ views on security and foreign affairs since the end of the Cold War are an understudied issue. This article presents the findings of a large scale survey on the position and ideas about foreign affairs and security. The survey was conducted by the Social Science Research Institute of the University of Iceland in November and December 2016. The results of the survey are placed in the context of developments in security studies, with an emphasis on security sectors, ontological security, and securitization. The main findings are that the Icelandic public believes that its security is most threatened by economic and financial instability, as well as natural hazards, but thinks there is a very limited chance of military conflict or terrorist attacks directly affecting the country. These findings are incongruent with the main emphases of Icelandic authorities, as they appear in security policy and political discourse. It is therefore important that the authorities understand how to engage with the public about the criteria upon which risk assessments and security policies are based.

The Formation of the Republican Institutions

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Lorenzo Capussela
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rural South ◽  
The Social ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Opening Up

This chapter reviews the evolution of Italy’s social order and institutions between the end of Fascism, in 1943, and the early 1950s. The peninsula was a battlefield for two years, during 1943–5. War and resistance shook Italy’s social order, and the post-war years saw the emergence of a democratic republic based on a progressive constitution. Reconstruction was rapid, and laid the basis for the country’s full industrialization. The ideological cleavage traced by Marxism, however, which split the anti-fascist coalition, and the political repercussions of the Cold War eased the efforts of the pre-war elites to constrain the opening up of the social order and undermine the newly adopted political institutions. An episode of collective action in the rural South nonetheless showed the potential of well-designed reforms sustained by effective organizations. The chapter concludes that during the 1950s electoral democracy consolidated, but Italy remained distant from the liberal democracy paradigm.

Visuality and Criminology

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judah Schept
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Body ◽  
Crime And Punishment ◽  
The Social ◽  
Seminar Series ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Relationship

There can be no doubt that criminology has taken something of a visual turn, as evidenced by increasing numbers of articles, conference panels, edited volumes, monographs, and seminar series that support visual research within criminology and related fields (Brown, 2014; Carrabine, 2012; Brown & Carrabine, 2016; Lippens et al., 2013). This development has come with important calls for both direct, empirical engagement with images, as well as new methodological approaches that mobilize images for a “politically charged analysis” (Hayward, 2010, p. 3). While visual criminology, as it has come to be known, has taken up the importance of the image, the issue of representation, and the photograph, it has been slower to engage on the terrain of visuality, a concept that can sometimes slip into shorthand for the realm of the visual, but which means something more closely resembling an authorized view of society and history (Mirzoeff, 2011a). Visuality is the production, representation, and naturalization of state power that at once fabricates order and, in doing so, organizes the available vocabularies for describing and challenging it. Visuality is a mechanism by which the quotidian violence underwriting authority is made illegible and unseeable. a process that relies on knowledge production for legitimacy and consent. It is here, at the intersections of visuality’s naturalization of the everyday violence of law and its naturalization of an authorized constellation of ideas and terms from which to draw meaning about the world, that the role of criminology must be considered. As a science of crime and punishment, criminology is both subordinate to the terms and ideologies of the state and continually reproduces and reifies those terms by providing the gloss of scientific objectivity. Criminology is largely managerial and reformist, a discipline dependent on the state as much for grant monies and evaluation projects as for the very normative terms of study—crime, law, punishment—that underwrite its very existence and relevance. Yet, the relationship between criminology and visuality is not one of wholehearted subservience and hegemony. Even as the discipline should be understood as an important intellectual prosthetic in the state’s fabrication of social order through technologies of illumination, capture, and mapping, visuality is never complete and criminology is not uniform. Indeed, criminology has an established if uneven lineage of radical interventions into the common sense of state violence. The question remains open as to the role criminology might play in enacting counter-visuality, an intellectual and political project aimed at inscribing in the social body the capacities to render such violence legible.

scholarly journals Some Current Controversies in Critical Legal Studies

2011 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 290-299 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Tushnet
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Social Theory ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Social Thought ◽  
Critical Legal Studies ◽  
Strategic Action ◽  
Legal Studies ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Theories

The first few years in the development of critical legal studies (CLS) saw an ongoing discussion of an issue that was framed as “rationalism v. irrationalism”. The labels, it now appears, were misleading, for the discussion can be better understood as concerning the utility - for purposes of orienting strategic action as well as of understanding the social order - of relatively large-scale social theories in the traditions of Marx and Weber. The distinctive contribution of CLS to leftist social thought, and the embodiment of the fact that one side in the earlier discussion more or less prevailed, is its insistence that a leftist social and political theory does not need to be grounded in that sort of social theory.

The Social Order Yields to Functional Analysis

1958 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 158-160
Author(s):  
LAWRENCE SCHLESINGER
Keyword(s):  
Functional Analysis ◽  
Social Order ◽  
The Social
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