Nuclear weapons and international security

Author(s):  
Ian Bellany
2020 ◽  
pp. 77-86
Author(s):  
Nataliya Romashkina ◽  
◽  
Dmitry Stefanovich ◽  

Purpose: To identify the current strategic stability problems associated with the destructive impact of information and communication technologies (ICT) on the basis of analysis and systematization according to various parameters of cyber risks and threats to international security and global stability that can reduce the level of strategic stability and to develop relevant proposals that can lay the foundation for creation of a deterrence policy in the ICT domain. Research method: analysis, synthesis and scientific forecasting, expert assessment, comparative analysis of the cyber domain within the framework of a systematic approach. Result: the article presents analysis and systematization risks and threats to international security and global stability emanating from the cyber sphere according to various parameters. The article proves the impact of the accelerated development of information and communication technologies (ICT) on strategic stability, and that ensuring the cybersecurity of nuclear weapons requires special attention. The global problems of strategic stability at the current stage are posed and the conclusions are that the protection of strategic weapons, early warning systems, air and missile defense, communications, command and control over nuclear weapons from harmful ICTs are the pressing global problems of our time. Specific scenarios of cyber threats leading to a decrease in the level of strategic stability below the necessary and sufficient level have been elaborated, and proposals have been formulated to minimize the corresponding escalation threats. Proposed measures can become a basis for a deterrence policy in the ICT domain, as it was done during the period of bipolarity with regard to nuclear weapons, and become the foundation for broader international agreements on arms control in the so-called nuclear information space of the future.


Author(s):  
Nicholas L. Miller

This book examines the historical development and effectiveness of US efforts to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. Drawing on hundreds of declassified documents, the first part of the book shows how the anticipation of nuclear domino effects in the 1960s and 1970s led the United States to strengthen its nonproliferation policy, moving from a selective approach—which was relatively permissive toward allies acquiring nuclear weapons—and toward a more universal policy that opposed proliferation across the board. Most notably, Washington spearheaded the establishment of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty in 1968 and adopted sanctions legislation in the late 1970s that credibly threatened to cut off support to countries seeking nuclear weapons. The second part of the book analyzes how effective these policies have been in limiting the spread of nuclear weapons. Statistical analysis suggests that a credible threat of sanctions has deterred countries dependent on the United States from even starting nuclear weapons programs over the last several decades. Meanwhile, in-depth case studies of French, Taiwanese, Pakistani, and Iranian nuclear activities illustrate the conditions under which sanctions succeed against ongoing nuclear weapons programs. The findings hold important implications for international security and nonproliferation policy.


1995 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 101-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Lee

The debate over nuclear proliferation has generated a large literature, but this literature does not adequately address the moral issues. A moral analysis of proliferation must go beyond concerns of international security. In this essay, Lee addresses the following questions: (1) Does nuclear proliferation make the world a more dangerous place; that is, does it increase security? (2) Is it morally permissible for a nonnuclear state to acquire nuclear weapons? (3) What are morally permissible actions for states trying to keep other states from acquiring nuclear weapons?


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Yunia Utami Indah Haloho ◽  
Xavier Nugraha ◽  
Atiqoh Farhan Maulani

The preservation of the stability of world peace became one of the wishes of the entire international community. But these expectations seemed to be a sense of concern in the event of a war between countries using nuclear weapons. International law governs the nuclear weapons of international treaties, one of which is the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in 1968. In addition to providing a guarantee of a sense of security was formed No First Use Policy to ensure the country owners of nuclear weapons are not the first party to use nuclear weapons in the event of a conflict with other countries. The purpose of this research is to learn about the implementation of No First Use Policy on the use of nuclear weapons by the countries that have them and the international security of the world. The method used in the study is normative juridical is supported by data obtained by library research. Regarding the implementation of the No First Use Policy each country with nuclear weapons has different attitudes about it. Whereas No First Use Policy has had a positive impact on the arrangement of the use of nuclear weapons of the world for security and order.


1995 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Avery Goldstein

The collective goods theory of alliances and neorealist theory yield conflicting expectations about the security policies of states. The former emphasizes the temptation to “ride free” on the efforts of others, while the latter emphasizes the incentives for self-help. In the cases of Britain, China, and France during the early cold war, the constraints identified by neorealist theory, reinforced by the advent of nuclear weapons, prevailed. Each discounted the value of the security benefits superpower partners could provide. The second-ranking powers' decisions to shoulder the burden of developing independent nuclear forces are at odds with collective goods arguments that portray especially strong temptations to ride free in the circumstances that prevailed at that time—an international system dominated by two superpowers, each possessing large nuclear deterrent arsenals that could easily be employed on behalf of allies. This analysis suggests that present efforts to discourage additional states from acquiring nuclear weapons by offering them international security guarantees are unlikely to succeed.


2010 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 38-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vipin Narang

A probe of various regional power nuclear postures reveals that such postures, rather than simply the acquisition of nuclear weapons, can have differential effects on deterrence and stability dynamics. The India-Pakistan dyad is a useful candidate for exploring these various effects because the three regional power nuclear postures—catalytic, assured retaliation, and asymmetric escalation—have interacted with each other in South Asia. In particular, Pakistan's shift from a catalytic posture to an asymmetric escalation posture in 1998 against a continuous Indian assured retaliation posture allows the effects of nuclear posture to be isolated in an enduring rivalry in which many variables can be held constant. The asymmetric escalation posture may be “deterrence optimal” for Pakistan, suggesting that nuclear postures do have different effects on conflict dynamics, but it has also enabled Pakistan to more aggressively pursue longstanding revisionist preferences in India, triggering more frequent and intense crises on the subcontinent. Furthermore, the command and control procedures that Pakistan undertakes to make its asymmetric escalation posture credible amplify this instability. These procedures generate risks to the safety and security of Pakistan's nuclear assets, both at present and as India and Pakistan continue to dynamically evolve nuclear and conventional postures. The conclusions for South Asian and international security of this reality are grim.


2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 24-33
Author(s):  
Natal’ya S. Kozyakova

The article is devoted to international security problems in the Second Austrian Republic in the 1960s and 1970s. The aim is to consider the policy of neutral Austria, which was an active struggle for the preservation and strengthening of peace in the international arena and not flight to isolation. The topic's relevance lies in the fact that Austria's leading interests during the period under review were to ensure that all European problems were resolved peacefully and, therefore, nuclear weapons were not placed near its borders. It has been very active in the international arena, based primarily on its own interests, and has supported the solution of such problems as ensuring European security and disarmament. The study is based on the Austrian Government's materials containing resolutions on the cessation of nuclear weapons testing. Austrian politicians recognized the importance of a peaceful solution to this problem. The author pays special attention to the German question. His decision was of great importance for Austria since the country's vital interests demanded that a new hotbed of danger should not arise on its borders in the center of Europe. Until 1966, the Austrian Government had not expressed its attitude to ensuring European security while referencing the country's neutrality. In conclusion, it is noted that Austria, as a neutral country, could not be isolated from the initiatives of the socialist camp countries on security and cooperation at the Pan-European conference in connection with the emerging trends in the second half of the 1960s to defuse tensions.


2018 ◽  
pp. 149-158
Author(s):  
Alexander Lanoszka

This concluding chapter wraps up the book by summarizing its main argument and key findings. It also describes several implications for the study of international security, especially with regards to understandings of credibility, the relationship between nuclear weapons and conventional military power, the effectiveness of coercion, American primacy, and the great power management of weaker states. It then outlines various policy implications that would be of interest to American and allied decision-makers.


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