scholarly journals Effective Models of Reintegration for De-occupied Territories

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 325-340
Author(s):  
Nina Rzhevska ◽  

The article aims to reveal the essence of the reintegration process of the occupied and de-occupied territories, determining the current state and characterizing the conflict in the East of Ukraine. Its components and implementation tools are analyzed, and foreign models of reintegration of the occupied and de-occupied territories are presented and evaluated; there is also determined the degree of their conformity for Ukraine. In this research, there was made an attempt to find the most effective model for the reintegration of Donbas, which would not only contribute to the demilitarization and restoration of state control in these territories, but also prevent the emergence of separatist movements, stimulate the process of returning, and integration of citizens to the social, cultural, economic and political life of their country of origin. It was stressed that the Ukrainian model for restoring the territorial integrity and reintegration of Donbas should be based on compromise and key issues that have a positive international grounding for which the government has a public support, combined with a strong national, international, and military one. There is a greater chance for working out a mutual standpoint of Ukraine and its international partners which would allow the conflict with Russia to be solved. It is noted that the problem remains since there is no consensus among citizens on the optimal way of restoring the territorial integrity of Ukraine. That is why there is an urgent need to create a comprehensive strategy to restore the territorial integrity and reintegration of Donbas. It will have a necessary impact on all the parties of the conflict, and result in a publicly supported compromise. This can be achieved despite the current domestic and international peculiarities of the process; help can be expected from international experience in restoring peace as well as from the government’s approach to the process of reintegration and shaping up a unified state.

Author(s):  
Natalya Buzanova

July 12, 1889 Alexander III approved the draft law according to which “Regulations on territorial chiefs” was published. As of 1913, county congresses and governorate presences and territorial chiefs were introduced in forty-three governorates of European Russia, including the Tambov Governorate. The need for a new body of state control was due to the lack of a strong governmental power close to the people. The autocracy introduced this institute with the aim of restoring the landlords’ power over the peasant world, lost as a result of serfdom abolition in 1861. The powers of territorial chiefs were extensive: administrative, judicial, oversight, including control over the activities of peasant rural and volost institutions. However, over time, the functions of territorial chiefs were changed in comparison with what was originally written in the Regulation. We focus on issue of territorial chiefs participation in the political sphere of the state. The main sources for this research were data from the State archive of the Tambov Region. The government gave territorial chiefs the control of the peasant’s life from all sides, but due to circumstances, they were also drawn into the political processes of the state, especially at the beginning of the 20th century. We show that territorial chiefs were obedient executors of government policy, which was carried out in the counties, which was not at all provided for in their main functions. We investigate territorial chiefs’ role in the work of the State Duma. Thus, in the presence of different functions directions, we could hardly expect a positive effect from the institute as a whole.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Andriy Tkachuk

The article deals with the process of initiation and implementation of the idea of creating the Armed Forces of Ukraine in the social and political discourse of the USSR in the late 1980s – early 1990s. The positions of key pro-Ukrainian public associations and movements, their programs, and statements concerning the "Ukrainianization" of the military forces that were located in the USSR are explored. An estimation of the position of these forces on public policy in the military sphere is given. It has been found out that the majority of the public associations and movements created under the conditions of "restructuring" insisted on the need for de-ideologization and demilitarization of social and political life. In most cases, members of such organizations required on the need to form military units based on the existing USSR armed forces exclusively from residents of the republic, who would report directly to the leadership of the USSR. Besides, the demand for military service by USSR citizens only within the republic remained one of the principal in the speech of Ukrainian associations and movements. The main proposals for possible reform of the military sphere on the territory of the republic are outlined. The author points out that among the Ukrainian intelligentsia, there were different visions regarding the ways of creating such forces. One part insisted on the creation of armed forces subordinated to the government based on and in the composition of the armed forces of the USSR. The other required a complete reboot of the military sphere, the introduction of a new approach to the army formation, and, ultimately, the creation of an army of an independent Ukraine. Much attention is given to the youth’s opinion about the ideologization and militarization of the Soviet high school. Representatives of the student youth were much more active than other social groups, expressing their dissatisfaction with the current situation, which resulted in spontaneous protests against the authorities. It was concluded that, at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, the issue of military development was one of the key issues in the activities of Ukrainian unions, movements, and the first political parties. The members of these organizations were aware of the need to create an armed force in Ukraine that could counteract potential threats to state sovereignty. Such policies have resulted in numerous political actions, strikes, and demonstrations, which have been used as a mechanism to put pressure on the authorities to achieve individual political goals. In the end, under public pressure, as well as in the context of disintegration processes in the USSR, these requirements were fulfilled, which created the necessary basis for the creation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.


Author(s):  
E.V. Klovach ◽  
◽  
A.S. Pecherkin ◽  
V.K. Shalaev ◽  
V.I. Sidorov ◽  
...  

In Russia, the reform of the regulatory guillotine is being implemented in the field of control and supervisory activity. It should result in a new regulatory system formed according to the principles specified in the key federal laws: «On state control (supervision) and municipal control in the Russian Federation» (Law on Control) and «On mandatory requirements in the Russian Federation» (Law on Mandatory Requirements) adopted in August 2020. In the field of industrial safety, this process was launched by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation № 1192, which will come into force on January 1, 2021. The main provisions are discussed in the article, which are related to the Law on Control and the Law on Mandatory Requirements. The Law on Control establishes the priority of preventive measures aimed at reducing the risk of causing harm in relation to the control activities, the grounds for carrying out control (supervisory) activities, the types of these activities in the forms of interaction with the controlled person and without such, the procedure for presentation of the results of control (supervisory) activity. The Law on Mandatory Requirements establishes that the provisions of regulatory legal acts should enter into force either from March 1 or September 1, but not earlier than 90 days after their official publication, and their validity period should not exceed 6 years. The drafts of regulatory legal acts developed by the federal executive bodies are subject to regulatory impact assessment. With a view to ensuring systematization of mandatory require ments, their register is kept. The federal executive body prepares a report on the achievement of the goals of mandatory requirements introduction. By January 1, 2021, 10 resolutions of the Government of the Russian Federation, 48 federal norms and rules in the field of industrial safety and 9 other regulatory legal acts of Rostechnadzor should be adopted. The drafts of all the documents are already prepared, some of the acts are completing the process of discussion and approval.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paweł Fiktus

At the end of World War I, in many European countries women won the active and passive right to vote. Poland was one of the first countries, where women were allowed to participate in political life. Already at the time of establishing the Legislative Sejm (1919) the first women-MPs took their seats in Parliament. Similarly, the situation presented itself in the case of the Senate. During its first session (1922) women participated in the works of the upper chamber. The purpose of this paper is to present the participation of women in the legislative work of the Senate in various terms of office. The participation of women in the legislative work of Parliament was characterized by their involvement in issues concerning education or social services, while avoiding participation in the legislative work or that dealing with political matters. The situation presented itself differently as regards women’s involvement in the work of the Senate. A good example here was the activity of Dorota Kałuszyńska, who – during the work on the so called April Constitution of 1935 – not only participated in it very actively, but also ruthlessly attacked the then ruling camp. Another very interesting episode related to activities of women in the Senate was an informal covenant during the work on the bill to limit the sale, administration and consumption of alcoholic beverages. Belonging to different political groups: the said D. Kłuszyńska as a representative of the Polish Socialist Party, Helena Kisielewska from the Bloc of National Minorities and Hanna Hubicka of BBWR [the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government] unanimously criticized the regulations in force, which – in their opinion – did not fulfill their role when it came to anti-alcohol protection. The participation of women as far as their number was concerned was indeed small, but the Senate (like Parliament) of the Second Republic functioned in the period when women had just begun their activity on the legislative forum. Undoubtedly, it was a very interesting period, in which women had the benefit in the form of gaining their parliamentary experience. For example, it gave rise to subsequent activities of Dorota Kłuszyńska, who actively participated in the legislative works of the Sejm in the years 1947–1952, dealing with social issues or family.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-27
Author(s):  
Ilyoskhon Burhanov ◽  

The article begins with writing about the scientists who conducted a study on the history of the Kokand Khanate. The article writes the taxation of the Kokand Khan and raising taxes, people protest against the government of Kokand, as a result it had a significant impact on political life


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Muhammad Nadzir

Water plays a very important role in supporting human life and other living beings as goods that meet public needs. Water is one of the declared goods controlled by the state as mentioned in the constitution of the republic of Indonesia. The state control over water indicated that water management can bring justice and prosperity for all Indonesian people. However, in fact, water currently becomes a product commercialized by individuals and corporations. It raised a question on how the government responsibility to protect the people's right to clean water. This study found that in normative context, the government had been responsible in protecting the people’s right over the clean water. However, in practical context, it found that the government had not fully protected people's right over clean water. The government still interpreted the state control over water in the form of creating policies, establishing a set of regulations, conducting management, and also supervision.


2017 ◽  
pp. 110-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kużelewska

This article analyses the impact of constitutional referendums on the political system in Italy. There were three constitutional referendums conducted in 2001, 2006 and 2016. All of them have been organised by the ruling parties, however, only the first one was successful. In the subsequent referendums, the proposals for amending the constitution have been rejected by voters. The article finds that lack of public support for the government resulted in voting „no” in the referendum.


Author(s):  
Courtney Freer

This chapter provides a critical background on the country cases by examining their brief political histories as independent states. It also gives critical information about the legal frameworks of such states to highlight where and how Islamist groups can act in these states. By providing such descriptions, this chapter demonstrates the extent to which these states, in regime or popular politics, either adhere or fail to adhere to the government type and political environment normally associated with the rentier state. The chapter also reveals critical commonalities among the super-rentier states—they are governed by powerful ruling families; institutionalized political life is hampered; and civil society and political life remain largely informal—while also indicating their differences, which arose in light of their differing sociocultural and economic backgrounds.


Author(s):  
Lucy Barnes ◽  
Timothy Hicks

Abstract Public opinion on complex policy questions is shaped by the ways in which elites simplify the issues. Given the prevalence of metaphor and analogy as tools for cognitive problem solving, the deployment of analogies is often proposed as a tool for this kind of influence. For instance, a prominent explanation for the acceptance of austerity is that voters understand government deficits through an analogy to household borrowing. Indeed, there are theoretical reasons to think the household finance analogy represents a most likely case for the causal influence of analogical reasoning on policy preferences. This article examines this best-case scenario using original survey data from the United Kingdom. It reports observational and experimental analyses that find no evidence of causation running from the household analogy to preferences over the government budget. Rather, endorsement of the analogy is invoked ex post to justify support for fiscal consolidation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Nic Cheeseman ◽  
Sishuwa Sishuwa

Abstract Democracy is one of the most contested words in the English language. In Africa, these complexities are compounded by the question of whether democracy is a colonial imposition. Cheeseman and Sishuwa provide a historiography of debates around democracy, track how these narratives have developed over time, and argue that there is widespread public support for a form of what they call “consensual democracy.” This is not to say that democracy is universally loved, but despite the controversy it remains one of the most compelling ideals in political life, even in countries in which it is has yet to be realized.


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