The Killing of Cabral

2021 ◽  
pp. 187-202
Author(s):  
António Tomás
Keyword(s):  

Having everything ready for the proclamation of Guinea’s independence, Cabral would not witness this moment. In January 1973, Cabral was tragically killed by his own men, as part of a coup against Cape Verdean leadership of PAIGC. The assassination of Cabral provoked commotion throughout the world. However, it did not prevented independence from taking place. Galvanized by the physical disappearance of Cabral, PAIGC fighters attacked Portuguese forces and proclaimed independence in September 1973. Disgruntled Portuguese military staged a successful coup d’état, known as the Carnation Revolution, that toppled Estado Novo.

2020 ◽  
pp. 103-129
Author(s):  
Kevin M. Jones

This chapter argues that the rhetoric of “patriotism” and “treason” that dominated nationalist politics evolved in the public poetry surrounding two seminal events in modern Iraqi political history, the Bakr Sidqi coup d’état of October 1936 and the Rashid ʿAli movement of April 1941. The chapter documents the popularity of each movement and shows how partisan support for military intervention was shaped by the shared logic of anticolonial nationalism. It documents the social and political consequences that socialist and nationalist poets faced and examines how political persecution inspired the new socialist-nationalist alliance of the “national front” politics that would dominate opposition politics in the 1950s. The chapter also shows how the relaxation of state censorship of the Left during the World War II allowed leftist poets to articulate a new political vision that fused anticolonial nationalism and socialist internationalism.


2021 ◽  
pp. 203-214
Author(s):  
António Tomás

Having lost the war politically, with the independence of Guinea and the recognition of Guinean state by dozens of countries, Estado Novo was entering into a crisis of legitimacy. Members of the Portuguese military forces formed the Movement of Armed Forces, who lead the popular uprising against Marcelo Caetano on April 1974. The end of Estado Novo was not an automatic confirmation of the end of colonialism. But independence was inevitable. By the end of 1975, Portugal was no longer a colonial empire in Africa. Against Cabral’s desire, independence did bring the unity between Cope Verdeans and Guineans. Whereas Cape Verde was governed by an all- Cape Verdean government, Guinea had a few Cape Verdean in its government. The coup d’etat led by Nino Vieira against Cabral’s bother Luís Cabral has been considered the second death of Cabral.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor E. Tumanin ◽  
Marat Z. Galiullin ◽  
Denis R. Sharafutdinov

April 1, 1893, the sixteen-year-old King of Serbia, Alexander Obrenović, made a coup d'état [1]. On the direct instructions of his father, Milan Obrenović, who lived after his abdication in France, minor Alexander Obrenovićh arrested the regents J. Ristić, K. Protić and J. Belimarcović, sent ministers in prison, declared himself an adult and took power into his own hands. [2] The events of 1893 became a new stage in the difficult period of the development of the independent Serbian state at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries; that period is of particular interest to researchers [3, 16, 17]. The events that the contemporaries called "the Serbian revolution" were discussed in the European press solely from the point of view of practical expediency, and therefore even the most cautious contemporaries were inclined to see the latent participation of Russian diplomacy in it. The English "Times" decided that the "act" of the king is "although not constitutional", but "natural" [4]. The representatives of the press in other European capitals (Berlin, Vienna and Paris newspapers) agreed with the opinion of the newspaper which sympathized with the liberation of Serbia from the "imaginary liberal terror" and the " bold move " of the king who put an end to the protracted crisis, the way out could not be peaceful, in their opinion [5]. It was not without curiosity: "Daily News" of Gladstone launched a malicious wickedness around the world calling the April events in Belgrade "a wedding gift to Knyaz Saxe-Coburg" [4]. The coup d'etat á la Alexandre de Serbie was a household name for a long time.


Author(s):  
Jeff Horn

Alexandre Rousselin biography explores how the French Revolution inspired an educated Parisian to become a terrorist and then spent the next forty-five years dealing with the consequences of his choices. Alexandre Rousselin became the confidential secretary of Camille Desmoulins and Georges-Jacques Danton before undertaking two missions to Champagne as a commissioner for the Committee of Public Safety in the fall of 1793. His enthusiastic implementation of the Terror left him vulnerable to denunciation as a terrorist after the fall of his patrons. Sent before the Revolutionary Tribunal, he was acquitted, as part of political shift that brought down Maximilien Robespierre. Rousselin spent the next few years in and out of jail as he sought rehabilitation despite ongoing denunciations. The coup d’etat of Napoleon Bonaparte in 1799 made him an outsider. Rousselin had to find other means of earning a living and being useful. Acquiring a noble title, he helped to found the liberal standard-bearer Le Constitutionnel, the bestselling newspaper in the world in the 1820s, where he fought against censorship and for limitations on government authority paving the way for the Revolution of 1830. Although the newspaper made him rich and influential, he retired in 1838 to write history in order to avoid the consequences of his past as a terrorist. His biography explores the role of emotions and institutions across the Age of Revolution for the large generation of survivors of this exceptional trauma: Rousselin’s choices show how a revolutionary became a liberal.


2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-246
Author(s):  
Denise Garcia

The world is going through a crisis of the international liberal order, exemplified by a host of recent shocks: the invasion and annexation of Crimea by Russia; the transnational dimensions of conflicts such as in Syria; the United Kingdom's decision to exit the European Union; the attempted coup d’état in Turkey and its reversal toward autocracy; and the election and rise of non-universalist and illiberal governments as well as politicians who operate under the populist rubric in countries that are viewed as beacons of democracy and stability. These shocks have catalyzed two outcomes. First, the prevailing global norms that serve as the custodians of peace and security have been the subject of revived debate. Second, and relatedly, these shocks have prompted deep reflection on the role of institutions such as the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), as well as the roles of the supposedly democratic members within those institutions.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Quênia Regina Santos

RESUMO: Este ensaio tem por objetivo analisar a obra O ano de 1993, de José Saramago, que busca na narrativa poética outra maneira de fazer conhecer sua visão do mundo após golpe de estado de abril de 1974. Por trás de um tratamento metafórico marcado pelo ilogismo, o poema narrativo de Saramago mostra o sentimento de submissão de um povo diante do opressor, defendendo o amor e a união na luta como a única forma de garantir a liberdade para qualquer povo, principalmente o português, representado no longo poema, que permanecia errante, preso, longe de uma vivência democrática em seu país, estimulando-o à rebelião a fim de resgatar a possibilidade de um futuro livre. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Metáfora; Poder; Liberdade; Intelectual; Poesia. ABSTRACT: This essay aims to analyze the work O ano de 1993, by José Saramago, a poetic narrative that seeks another way to make known his view of the world after the coup d’état of April 1974. Thus, behind a metaphoric treatment marked by ilogism, the narrative poem by Saramago shows the feeling of submission of people who face oppressors, advocating love and union in the fight as the only way to guarantee freedom for all peoples, especially the Portuguese one, represented in the long poem, which was still wandering, imprisoned, far from a democratic experience in their country, encouraging them to rebellion in order to rescue the possibility of a free future. KEYWORDS: Metaphor; Power; Freedom; Intellectual; Poetry.


1988 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 105-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Healy

Polttical Conflicts between Bolivia and its peasantry over the production and distribution of the coca leaf during the 1980s is the focus of this essay. The first section describes several of Bolivia's comparative disadvantages (among Andean producer nations) for waging effective coca leaf control programs. Following is an analysis of the interplay and results of specific statepeasant conflicts during the 1982-1988 period of civilian democratic rule. To give a Bolivian contextual backdrop to these conflicts, aspects of the national political culture which shape the terms and conditions of the struggle over controversial drug-related issues are explained. A final section presents a brief analysis of the Chapare region's prospects for a successful coca leaf eradication program.Explanations for the Bolivian government's ineffectual campaign against the coca leaf and cocaine industry range from its status as a weak state to its fragile and deteriorating economy (Healy, 1986). Bolivia's political system holds the world record for changes in government by way of the coup d'etat.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 378-383
Author(s):  
Václav Havel ◽  
Adam Michnik ◽  
Translated by Clare Cavanagh

This guest column amounts to a conversation between two of the most crucial Soviet bloc dissidents about developments since the 1989 overthrow of communismin their part of the world. They agree that a “creeping coup d’état” is underway in which not only the government administrations of their countries have changed but also their systems of governance—and changed for the worse. “It is not,” they agree, “what the democratic opposition spent twenty-five years fighting for.” Their apprehension is that, under new forms, the old authoritarian impulses are returning to East-Central Europe as well as to Russia.


1913 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 384-394
Author(s):  
J. Salwyn Schapiro

It is generally considered a sort of natural law in the political world for conservatives to govern and for radicals to criticize. In France the opposite is true; there the Left and Right have changed functions, as it is the former, not the latter, which controls the destinies of the nation. This is due primarily to the fact that conservatism in France has neither a habitation nor a name; for the French Revolution, by cutting the jugular vein of the inherited traditions of the country, had established revolution itself as a tradition. So completely has the radical spirit taken possession of the French people that even the reactionaries are dominated by it; for what is a coup d'état if not a revolutionary method of establishing a conservative government? The aristocratic spirit, driven from the body politic, has found refuge in literature; there French tradition still rules, unbroken and unchallenged. Anatole France, Socialist in politics, is yet the hardest and straightest of classicists and a legitimate descendant of the eighteenth century masters. France is unique in harboring at the same time the two master-spirits of aristocracy in arts and letters, and democracy in society and politics.Revolutionary traditions have made France the protagonist of of political progress. To her history has assigned the rôle of proclaiming the newly-born thought of the world, for it is now accepted as a truism that what France thinks today the world will think tomorrow. And because new ideas always take on strange forms and speak a Quixotic language, France has been decried as fantastic when she has been only original. The history of the nation since the great Revolution has been a constant struggle between ideas and conditions.


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