The Post-conflict Constitution as a Peace Agreement

2022 ◽  
pp. 447-471
Author(s):  
Laurie Nathan
2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 469
Author(s):  
Fitri Yanti ◽  
Eni Amaliah

Abstrak: This study discusses the Post-Conflict of South Lampung, seeing that the more frequent and easy our people explode with anger without being accompanied by ratios and common sense, so that anger is resolved in an anarchist manner in the form of murder, destruction and even massacre. Moral destructive events and even the dimensions of ethnicity, religion and culture should not be repeated again, it is feared that the Indonesian people will become a sick society that does not prioritize peace and mutual interests and the sick community because this country is increasingly populated by citizens with bad images that are not civilized society. The author uses a qualitative design of sampling. This paper presents alternatives in building a process of post-conflict social communication to build tolerance, inclusiveness and respect for plurality and communicative dialogue between people by creating harmonious relations between religious communities with approaches to strengthening noble values that are packaged with local government policies by giving authority to legal apparatus for violations that occur and facilitate cultural and community leaders in the context of the conflict space peace agreement to the lower community so that the community can maintain and maintain plurality by being able to live side by side.الملخص: بحثت هذه الدراسة في الوضع بعد الصراع في لامبونج الجنوبية، نظرا إلى سهولة وسرعة نشوء غضب المجتمع وتكرّر وقوعه دون أن يشاركه تفكير سليم صحيح منهم، حتى أدى هذا الغضب إلى اتخاذ أسلوب العنف – في التغلب عليه – كالقتل والتدمير بل وقتل الناس. والمفروض أن لا تقع هذه الوقائع المفسدة للأخلاق ثانية، بل ويدخل فيها بعد القبيلة، والدين والثقافة . وخِيف أن يكون المجتمع الأندونيسي مجتمعا مريضا لا يهتم بالأمن والسلامة والشؤون الجماعية، ويكون مريضا لكثرة المواطنين المتّسمين بسيمة سيّئة (مجتمع غير مدني). استخدم الباحث في هذا البحث المنهج الكيفي وأخذ العيّنة. حاولت هذه الدراسة عرض الاختيارات في بناء التواصل الإجتماعي بعد النزاع وهي بثّ روح التسامح، والانفتاح، والاعتبار  بوجود التعددية  واستمرارية بناء التواصل بين الأمم أو المجتمعات على أساس التراحم فيما بينهم بمدخل تقوية القيم الكريمة في ضوء قرارات الحكومة المحلية بإعطاء السلطة لرجال القضاء على جميع أشكال انتهاك القانون  وتوظيف رجال الثقافة والمجتمع في سياق اتفاق السلام حتى المجتمع عامة كي يحافظوا على التعدّدية ويعيشوا آمنين فيما بينهم.Abstrakt: Kajian ini membahas tentang Pasca Konflik Lampung Selatan, melihat semakin sering dan mudahnya masyarakat kita meledak amarahnya tanpa diiringi dengan rasio dan akal sehat, sehingga amarah tersebut diselesaikan dengan cara anarkis yang berupa pembunuhan, perusakan bahkan pembantaian. Seharusnya kejadian-kejadian yang merusak moral bahkan membawa dimensi suku, agama dan budaya ini tidak terulang kembali justru dikhawatirkan masyarakat Indonesia menjadi masyarakat sakit yang tidak mengedepankan kedamaian dan kepentingan bersama serta masyarakat sakit karena negeri ini semakin banyak dihuni oleh warga dengan citra buruk yang tidak civilized society. Penulis menggunakan rancangan kualitatif pengambilan sampel. Tulisan ini memaparkan alternatif dalam membangun proses komunikasi social pasca konflik membangun sikap toleran, inklusif dan menghargai pluralitas serta komunikatif melakukan dialog antar umat yaitu dengan menciptakan keharmonisan hubungan antar umat beragama dengan pendekatan penguatan nilai-nilai luhur yang dikemas dengan kebijakan pemerintah setempat dengan memberikan kewenangan kepada para aparat hukum atas pelanggaran yang terjadi dan memfasilitasi tokoh-tokoh budaya dan masyarakat pada konteks ruang konflik kesepakatan damai hingga masyarakat bawah sehingga masyarakat dapat menjaga dan merawat kemajemukan dengan bisa hidup berdampingan.


Author(s):  
Lidija Georgieva

This article will focus on theoretical and practical dilemmas related to the concept of peace governance, and within this context on the possible transformative role of peace education trough facilitation of contact between communities in conflict. The basic assumption is that violent conflicts in the Balkans have been resolved trough negotiated settlements and peace agreements. Yet, education strategy including peace education and its impact on post-conflict peacebuilding and reconciliation are underestimated. Peace governance is recognized as a dynamic but challenging process often based on institutional and policy arrangements aimed to at least settle conflict dynamics or in some cases even to provide more sustainable peace after signing of negotiated settlement in multicultural societies. We will argue that education in general is one of the critical issues of peace governance arrangements that could facilitate peacebuilding and create a contact platform between communities. The first question addressed in this article is to what extend peace agreements refer to education as an issue and the second one relate to the question if education is included in peace agreement to what extent it contributes for contact between different conflicting communities. Although it is widely accepted that contacts between former adversaries contributes for multicultural dialogue it is less known or explained if and in what way peace agreements provisions on education facilitate contact and transformation of conflicting relations.


Author(s):  
James Waller

A Troubled Sleep: Risk and Resilience in Contemporary Northern Ireland revisits one of the world’s most deeply divided societies more than 20 years after a peace agreement brought an end to the Troubles. The book asks if the conflict, while perhaps managed and contained, has been transformed—structurally and relationally—into a win-win situation for both sides. It addresses this question by drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, comparative research, and more than 110 hours of face-to-face interviews with politicians, activists, community workers, former political prisoners, former (and sometimes current) paramilitary members, academics, journalists, mental health practitioners, tour guides, school teachers, museum curators, students, police and military personnel, legal experts, and religious leaders across Northern Ireland. The heart of the book analyzes Northern Ireland’s current vulnerabilities and points of resilience as an allegedly “post-conflict” society. The vulnerabilities are analyzed through a model of risk assessment that examines the longer term and slower moving structures, measures, society-wide conditions, and processes that leave societies vulnerable to violent conflict. Such risk factors include the interpretation of conflict history, how authority in a country is exercised, and the susceptibility to social disharmony, isolation, and fragmentation. Resilience is examined from a survey of the countering influences, both within and outside Northern Ireland, that are working diligently to confirm humanity by reducing or reversing these vulnerabilities. The book concludes by examining the accelerating factors in contemporary Northern Ireland that may lead to an escalation of crisis as well as the triggering factors that could spark the onset of violent conflict itself.


Author(s):  
Monica McWilliams ◽  
Avila Kilmurray

Women’s activism played an important role in conflict transformation in Northern Ireland, from the early civil rights activists to the development of the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition political party. This chapter follows the history of activism in Northern Ireland, using the trajectory to illustrate how the exclusion of women from formal institutions resulted in a women’s movement that became an alternative means for creating change. It identifies important characteristics of women’s activism, including a willingness to build broad alliances in civil society and framing tactics that brought gender-specific interests to the peace process and the Good Friday peace agreement. As the chapter examines the successes and challenges of the post-conflict women’s movement in Northern Ireland, it reflects on the power of creativity and innovation in altering institutional dynamics during times of transition.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. PROOFREAD
Author(s):  
Mukhrijal Mukhrijal ◽  
Saddam Rassanjani ◽  
Herizal Herizal ◽  
Afrijal Afrijal

Partai Aceh is one of the local political parties in Aceh that able to win the first political contestation they participated in in 2009, even though it was born two years before in 2007. Since then, they have continued to dominate elections at the local level. Partai Aceh was established because of the peace agreement between GAM-RI as a post-conflict political agreement. The purpose of this study was to determine the victory of the Partai Aceh in the local realm. The method used is descriptive qualitative through interview techniques. The results of the study state that the Partai Aceh's victory in the context of Acehnese local politics cannot be separated from political psychology, such as the Partai Aceh identification approach through political socialisation, political candidates, and the Partai Aceh political campaign. The Partai Aceh approached the community involving the former Free Aceh Movement in conducting campaigns. The Partai Aceh's foresight in carrying the figure of a former GAM combatant impacted the Partai Aceh's victory.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2/2020) ◽  
pp. 79-98
Author(s):  
Sara Rajic

Public administration represents operations and practice of the government through management, administration and implementation of government policies having in mind public interests and the society as a whole. However, analysis of the political system and public administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BIH) reveals that this definition is rather “modified” when it comes to the mentioned country. Even though public administration reform is one of the priorities for BIH, the reasons why it has not been more successful are post-conflict reconstruction and state building, unique political organisation as a result of a peace agreement, veto mechanisms and ethnic quotas which makes the consensus harder to achieve and delays adoption of important strategies. Even though political elite in BIH is committed to public administration reform and the key reform institutions have been established there is a lack of necessary knowledge and skills, competences and most importantly, political will. However, public administration reform definitely represents one of the key conditions for the future of BIH and its accession to the European Union (EU). Undoubtedly, public administration reform is a complex reform, and in this paper, the focus is on the case study of BIH by identifying its key issues on the way to the EU membership. This paper is based on analytical method with an explorative and descriptive purpose, comparative legal method, literature review method, and finally, synthesis of results, combined with professional insight and conclusions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 97 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-199
Author(s):  
Héctor Morales-Muñoz ◽  
Katharina Löhr ◽  
Michelle Bonatti ◽  
Luca Eufemia ◽  
Stefan Sieber

Abstract A major challenge in the field of environmental peacebuilding is showing the impact of its initiatives. Questions emerge, such as what kind of postwar peacebuilding dimensions are more likely to be affected by natural resource management projects? Although quantitative studies assess the relation between natural resource management programmes and conflict, the question remains: what are the mechanisms involved in implementing projects designed for environmental peacebuilding? To answer these questions, a mixed methods research approach is chosen, combining four qualitative and quantitative methods to triangulate results. First, we identify a set of peacebuilding dimensions and mechanisms based in the literature that facilitate assessing the impact of sustainable land-use systems (SLUS) design in the post-peace agreement region of Caquetá, Colombia. Second, not only do we interview experts and practitioners at global, national (Colombia) and local (Department of Caquetá) levels in the fields of peacebuilding, natural resource management and environmental peacebuilding, we also conduct three workshops and a survey in Caquetá to prioritize dimensions and discover explanatory mechanisms. The case of Caquetá, Colombia, shows that peacebuilding dimensions, such as socio-economic inclusion (e.g. sustainable livelihoods), creation of governance scenarios, and building capacities for dialogue and a peace culture, should be addressed to take account of the impacts of SLUS projects in post-conflict peacebuilding.


2006 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-395 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Harris

The 2003 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and the ensuing two-year-long National Transitional Government of Liberia (NTGL), which brought together two rebel forces, the former government and members of civil society, justifiably had many critics but also one positive and possibly redeeming feature. In spite of, or perhaps because of, the realpolitik nature of the CPA and the barely disguised gross corruption of the members of the coalition government, the protagonists in the second Liberian civil war (2000–03) complied with the agreement and the peace process held. The culmination of this sequence of events was the 11 October 2005 national elections, the 8 November presidential run-off and the 16 January 2006 inauguration. In several ways, this was the African post-conflict election that broke the mould, but not just in that a woman, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, won the presidential race, and a football star, George Weah, came second. The virtual absence of transformed rebel forces or an overbearing incumbent in the electoral races, partially as a result of the CPA and NTGL, gave these polls extraordinary features in an African setting.


Author(s):  
Ayokunu Adedokun

With the heavy involvement of the United Nations (UN) and the international community, the Rome General Peace Agreement of 1992 ended more than 16 years of civil war in Mozambique. The peace agreement and post-conflict initiatives by the international community was successful in transforming the Mozambique National Resistance
(Renamo) from a rebel group into a viable political party. Key components of the United Nations and the broader international community success in negotiating peace and creating conditions for political stability and democracy in Mozambique were (a) the provision of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) before democratisation, (b) decentralization of humanitarian and relief efforts to provincial and district levels, (c) provision of financial support directly for the development of political parties, and (d) budget support to sectors relevant to peacebuilding. Though imperfect, Mozambique remains an important case study in how the UN and international community can help in post-conflict environments. Thus, the paper argues that success in peacebuilding operations depends on credible and impartial international support through the UN, as opposed to peacebuilding operations through the United States of America or Russia.


2011 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 271
Author(s):  
Sukendar Sukendar

<p class="IIABSBARU1">The conflict is as natural of law (sunnatullah) that always there in the course of human life. So that conflicts do not lead to violence and social disaster, the conflicts need to be managed properly. Managing conflicts is not solely aimed at the cessation of conflict, or the signing of a peace agreement between the parties to the dispute. Over, conflict manage­ment must be followed by the management of post-conflict conditions. Among the efforts the condition of post-conflict is recovery of the affected populations, especially children who are the most vulnerable groups in a conflict. One remedy is to educate children affected by conflict through peace education. This needs to be done so that they are free from the trauma, did not carry a grudge in life, and capable of being a man who loves peace. This study will explore the efforts of peace education for children affected by conflict in the Latansa Islamic Boarding School, Cangkring, Karang­anyar, Demak.</p><p class="IKa-ABSTRAK">***</p>Konflik merupakan sesuatu yang alami yang selalu ada dalam kehidupan manusia. Oleh karena itu agar konflik tidak mengakibatkan kekerasan dan petaka sosial maka konflik perlu dikelola dengan tepat. Mengelola konflik tidak semata-mata ditujukan bagi penghentian konflik atau penandatanganan kesepakatan antara kelompok-kelompok yang bertikai. Lebih dari itu, manajemen konflik harus diikuti dengan manajemen post-konflik. Di antara berbagai upaya manajemen post-konflik adalah pemulihan terhadap orang-orang yang menjadi korban konflik, khususnya anak-anak yang memang rentan terhadap efek konflik. Salah satu penanganannya adalah melalui pendidikan agar mereka terbebas dari perasaan traumatik, tidak membawa kedukaan mereka, serta mampu menjadi orang yang mencintai perdamaian. Kajian ini akan melihat bagaimana upaya pendidikan damai yang dilakukan oleh Pondok Pesantren Latansa Cangkring Karanganyar Demak.


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