scholarly journals O USO DO FUTEBOL COMO ESTRATÉGIA DE CONTROLE * THE USE OF FOOTBALL AS A CONTROL STRATEGY

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Agnaldo Kupper

O caso do futebol é emblemático. Faz-se necessário entender como o brasileiro se apropriou do esporte, como que o tomando das camadas mais abastadas que o introduziram no país. Mesmo com as tentativas de coibição da prática, a apropriação se deu. Nas primeiras décadas do século XX, o movimento operário brasileiro postou-se de forma ruidosa. Apesar da ação repressiva governamental, a nascente burguesia industrial brasileira, inquieta diante das mobilizações sindicais proletárias, teria feito uso de mecanismos menos duros como apoiar e financiar o esporte que caíra nas graças operárias: o futebol.*The case of football is emblematic. It is necessary to understand how the Brazilian took possession of the sport, as if taking it from the more affluent layers that introduced it in the country. Even with attempts to curb practice, appropriation has taken place. In the first decades of the twentieth century, the Brazilian labor movement was noisy. Despite the government's repressive action, the nascent Brazilian industrial bourgeoisie, worried about the proletarian trade union mobilizations, would have made use of less harsh mechanisms such as supporting and financing the sport that had fallen into the workers' graces: soccer.

2019 ◽  
pp. 65-80
Author(s):  
David M. Struthers

This chapter begins with an overview of the Anti-Asian premise of the labor movement in California during its foundation in the 1880s and carried forward into the twentieth century in trade-union organizing in the state. The chapter then examines two important departures from racist exclusionary organizing in Southern California in 1903. In Los Angeles Mexican laborers formed the Unión Federal Mexicana. In Oxnard, Japanese and Mexican agricultural workers formed the Japanese Mexican Labor Association (JMLA). Anglo socialist members of Los Angeles’s Council of Labor pushed Los Angeles’s trade union body to support both unions with financial and organizing resources. Laborers in Los Angeles and Oxnard also shared resources, but the national American Federation of Labor (AFL) ultimately rejected Japanese membership.


Author(s):  
Emily E. LB. Twarog

In 1973, housewives in California launched what would be the last meat boycott of the twentieth century. And, like its predecessors, the 1973 boycott gained national momentum albeit with little political traction now that Peterson had left public life for a job in the private sector as the consumer advisor to the Giant grocery store chain. And in some quarters of the labor movement, activists drew very clear links between the family economy and the stagnation plaguing workers’ wages. The 1973 boycott led to the founding of the National Consumers Congress, a national organization intended to unite consumer organizers. While it was a short-lived organization, it demonstrates the momentum that consumer activism was building. This chapter also reflects on the lost coordinating opportunity between housewives organizing around consumer issues and the women’s movement in the 1970s.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 335-350
Author(s):  
Abdul Razaq ◽  
Muhammad Usman Khalid

The last Hajj performed by the Messenger of Allah is called the Farewell Hajj in two respects. One is that you did the last Hajj and also with reference to the fact that the Holy Prophet himself said in this sermon: O people! By God, I don't know if I will be able to meet you in this place after today. You specifically said, "Ask me questions, learn and ask what you have to ask." I may not be able to meet you like this later this year.It was as if the Holy Prophet himself was saying goodbye. On this occasion, this Hajj is called the Farewell Hajj.The United Nation General Assembly, approved the: "Universal Declaration of Human Rights" on Dec. 1948. Following this historic achievement, the Assembly urged all its member states to make the announcement public and participate in its dissemination. The purpose of this manifesto was to protect basic human rights throughout the world and to find solutions to various problems facing nations. The rights granted to man under the United Nations Charter, established in the twentieth century, were granted to him by Islam fourteen hundred years ago.The 30 articles of the UN Charter define basic human rights in various ways. These provisions relate to social, religious and human rights. When we compare the Farewell Sermon of the Holy Prophet with this Manifesto, where many similarities come to the fore, the differences are also noticeable.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Ball

The most common motif in early twentieth century radical literature is the conversion narrative. A variation on the bildungsroman, these works feature conversions to socialism or to the labor movement that are modeled on techniques used by evangelical revivalists and on the experiences of religious converts. The most widely read and emblematic radical authors to consistently employ this trope were Jack London and Upton Sinclair. Not only did London and Sinclair continually utilize the conversion story in their fiction and nonfiction, they both described their own discovery of socialism as a religious conversion. In their work, both authors diligently seek to conflate Christianity and socialism and to prove that, not only are the two compatible, but that authentic observance of Christianity demands the endorsement of socialism. London and Sinclair use their writing as a method of evangelism that aims to convince their audience that socialism is a religious enterprise and means to salvation.


2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-271
Author(s):  
Amanda Rasmussen

Abstract Chinese-Australian and son of an entrepreneur, Edward Ni Gan, a successful lawyer and would-be politician, was, in 1904, the first candidate in a Bendigo municipal election to tie his campaign to the Labor Party platform. Labor had just achieved the significant victory of three months in power at a federal level, and, although Ni Gan did not win in 1904, his support for the movement was well-received in Bendigo. When he tried to stand the following year as the endorsed Labor candidate, however, he was quickly disillusioned by procedural rules and his inadequate trade union networks. His speeches as an independent candidate showed his political position recast as a radical liberal in the Deakinite mode. In both campaigns, Ni Gan’s colour was a difference which could be accommodated since he otherwise so happily embodied the young, white, “fair and square” sportsman who was an ideal progressive Bendigonian. His engagement with Labor politics in the first decade of the twentieth century shows that the drive for “White Australia” which often dominated the national conversation, could be less powerful at local levels.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-87
Author(s):  
Richard Hudelson

I have been thinking about the history and future of the labor movement for fifty years. As an academic in philosophy I have focused my research on the intersections of the global labor movement with philosophy of history, philosophy of science, ethics, economics, and political theory. ‘The Fix We Are In’ is a summary of my current thinking. At present the grand strategies for emancipation, ascendant in the mid-twentieth century, have faltered. Headless capitalism runs amuck. The conditions of the working class deteriorate. There is no vision of a better world—no clear pathway toward a better future. The ‘popular revolt’ bubbling up around the globe is a product of this moment. My paper concludes with a difficulty regarding my own favored way forward. Responses from readers would be welcome at: [email protected].


2019 ◽  
pp. 247-273
Author(s):  
Yopie Prins

This essay asks if, and how, we can read the rhythms of Sappho’s poetry as if it could be heard, still. The Sapphic stanza is a poetic form that has gone through a long history of transformations, from a powerful metrical imaginary in Victorian poetics (graphing Sapphic meter as a musical form) into an idealization of “Sapphic rhythm” in twentieth-century prosody (naturalizing the rhythms of speech). By comparing metrical translations of Sapphic fragment 16 (“The Anactoria Poem,” discovered in 1914), the essay proposes “metametrical” reading as a model for critical reflection on the complex dialectic between rhythm and meter. Examples are drawn from Victorian metrical theory and Anglo-American imitations of Sappho by modern and contemporary poets, including Joyce Kilmer, Marion Mills Miller, Rachel Wetzsteon, John Hollander, Jim Powell, Juliana Spahr, and Anne Carson..


Author(s):  
Andrew Gamble

A central historical progressive dilemmas is explored, in chapter four, by Andrew Gamble through a re-visiting of Marquand’s 1977 biography of Ramsay MacDonald. An extensive historical work, which sought to rescue MacDonald from the simplistic cries from his own party of betrayal for his heading of the coalition National Government in 1931, the book was also intended to offer clear lessons for what Marquand viewed as a Labour Party in the 1970s undermining itself though its class warfare, trade union sectionalism and doctrinal narrowness. Gamble argues that the dilemmas observed and lived out by both MacDonald and by Marquand, as his biographer, endured throughout the twentieth century and indeed remain unresolved today. Nearly one hundred years on, MacDonald offers insights into the way in which, in times arguably even more challenging than our own he grappled for an extended period with these delicate political balancing acts.


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