scholarly journals Post-Normal Times Laboratory

2021 ◽  
Vol V (4) ◽  
pp. 65-77
Author(s):  
Evgeny Zharkov
Keyword(s):  
Political Agency ◽  
The Political ◽  
Normal Science ◽  
Political Subjectivity ◽  
Norms And Values ◽  
Discussion Article ◽  
The Status ◽  
Nuclear Problem ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Number Of Authors

Nowadays, for science as a type of activity and a socio-cultural institution, the question of the boundaries of its own agency is extremely relevant. Various global challenges (energy, climate, pandemics, security, etc.) are in tune with the challenges for the very concept of science, for its norms and values. In a discussion article, V.N. Porus and V.A. Bazhanov discuss aspects of the political agency of post-normal science (J. Ravetz, S. Funtowicz) — a type of science that claims to go beyond normal science (T. Kuhn) as a process simple and definite solution of problems within the framework of the prevailing paradigms. This article discusses aspects of the political subjectivity of science in the language of locations, the most important of which is the laboratory, understood in broad socio-cultural and socio-epistemic aspects. With the involvement of historical and scientific (atomic-nuclear problem) and modern situational cases (COVID-19), the problems of the relationship between “scientific” and “political” in the location of the expanded laboratory are considered. In the extended laboratory, the situational realization of the political agency of science is carried out. It is emphasized that science has not yet acquired the status of an independent and full-fledged political agency, and the corresponding institutionalization. The political agency of science is specific and episodic. Loaded with complexity and uncertainty modernity is considered by a number of authors at the present time as a post-normal times. It is noted that in the light of the post-normal nature of modernity while striving for political subjectivity, science (at the level of a multitude of participating actors) should not change its “personal ontology” (responsibility for the truth), which is difficult to achieve without an appeal to the virtue of wisdom.

The Concept of the Political

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mass Movements ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter 2 reinterprets Schmitt’s concept of the political. Schmitt argued that Weimar developments, especially the rise of mass movements politically opposed to the state and constitution, demonstrated that the state did not have any sort of monopoly over the political, contradicting the arguments made by predominant Weimar state theorists, such as Jellinek and Meinecke. Not only was the political independent of the state, Schmitt argued, but it could even be turned against it. Schmitt believed that his contemporaries’ failure to recognize the nature of the political prevented them from adequately responding to the politicization of society, inadvertently risking civil war. This chapter reanalyzes Schmitt’s political from this perspective. Without ignoring enmity, it argues that Schmitt also defines the political in terms of friendship and, importantly, “status par excellence” (the status that relativizes other statuses). It also examines the relationship between the political and Schmitt’s concept of representation.

Derrida and the Legacy of Psychoanalysis

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Earlie
Keyword(s):  
Digital Technology ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Scientific Discourse ◽  
Detailed Account ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Thought ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Key Questions

This book offers a detailed account of the importance of psychoanalysis in Derrida’s thought. Based on close readings of texts from the whole of his career, including less well-known and previously unpublished material, it sheds new light on the crucial role of psychoanalysis in shaping Derrida’s response to a number of key questions. These questions range from the psyche’s relationship to technology to the role of fiction and metaphor in scientific discourse, from the relationship between memory and the archive to the status of the political in deconstruction. Focusing on Freud but proposing new readings of texts by Lacan, Torok, and Abraham, Laplanche and Pontalis, amongst other seminal figures in contemporary French thought, the book argues that Derrida’s writings on psychoanalysis can also provide an important bridge between deconstruction and the recent materialist turn in the humanities. Challenging a still prevalent ‘textualist’ reading of Derrida’s work, it explores the ongoing contribution of deconstruction and psychoanalysis to pressing issues in critical thought today, from the localizing models of the neurosciences and the omnipresence of digital technology to the politics of affect in an age of terror.

scholarly journals POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE ASPECT OF ADMINISTRATIVE-TERRITORIAL REFORMS OF THE 1930TH ‒ THE 1950TH IN MODERN RUSSIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Белоногов Юрий ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Personal Power ◽  
Soviet History ◽  
The Status ◽  
The One ◽  
Regional Leaders ◽  
Regional Authorities ◽  
The Relationship

The article considers historiographic assessments of the administrative-territorial transformations of the Stalinist period of Soviet history through the prism of relations "Center - Regions." For the supreme government in the period under study, the obvious dilemma was the choice between the economic efficiency of the spatial development of enlarged and self-sufficient regions, on the one hand, and the increase in the political manageability of the Center for regional development, on the other hand. The policy of disengaging the regions and giving the former dis-trict centers the status of regional capitals was connected with the need of the Cen-ter to monitor the processes of industrialization and collectivization, bring man-agement closer to production, as well as weaken the influence of regional leaders to strengthen the regime of personal power of I.V. Stalin. Subsequently, the political struggle for power in the 1950s. contributed to a gradual and irreversible review of the relationship between the central and regional authorities: for political reasons, the Center abandoned the administrative-territorial transformations of the regions.

scholarly journals Post-Normal Science: Passing the Scylla of Uncertainty and the Charybdis of the Politicization of Knowledge

2021 ◽  
Vol V (4) ◽  
pp. 15-33
Author(s):  
Vladimir Porus ◽  
Valentin Bazhanov
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Citizen Science ◽  
Modern Science ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
The Political ◽  
Normal Science ◽  
Political Subjectivity ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Advantages And Disadvantages

The goal of the article to assess and comprehend the legitimacy, advantages, and disadvantages of the idea of “post-normal” and “citizen science”, the problem of treating science as a political actor, as well as the potential “democratization” of contemporary science. The nature and epistemological status of “post-normal” and “citizen” science, their place, and potential role in political decision-making in situations of significant uncertainty of the future (which is especially characteristic of ecology) discussed. We are prone to emphasize the importance of the traditional criteria of rationality, dominant among scientists working under the milieu of the norms and principles of “normal” science. Despite the transdisciplinary nature of the problems and the format of decision-making that are at the core of post-normal science. Nevertheless, the political subjectivity of modern science far from being full-fledged. Science does not participate in politics in an independent actor acting on the same plane and on a par with other political actors (parties or other political structures). The acquisition by the science of the status of a political subject or the loss of such largely depends on the nature of the political climate of the society. Political subjectivity is an imitative political atmosphere that cannot be the immediate goal and value of science. Aspiration for political subjectivity as a norm for post-normal science implies a radical change in its “self-consciousness”, socio-cultural status, and thus, increasing its political weight. However, this aspiration has any reasonable theoretical and practical sense only as an integral part of the movement towards true civil society and democracy.

1975 The Year of Women

Making Waves ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 33-50
Author(s):  
Diana Holmes ◽  
Imogen Long
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Student Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Second Wave Feminism ◽  
The Status ◽  
Cultural Themes ◽  
Impossible Task ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Second Wave

The relationship between 1970s French radical feminists (the MLF) and Françoise Giroud, the first ‘Minister for Women’ in France, was a difficult one. Second-wave feminism in France was grounded in the contestation of the status quo, in the wake of the 1960s student movement out of which some of the groups emerged. Being part of the political establishment was therefore in itself an anathema to some second-wave feminists, as can be seen, for example, by satirical feminist films mocking Giroud’s role and her interventions. Through the prism of 1975, officially declared ‘International Women’s Year’ by the United Nations, this chapter explores the key campaigning and cultural themes of the MLF and their relationship to Giroud’smore reformist and, arguably, impossible task as Minister for Women.

Unearthing the political unconscious in the reporting of homelessness in Manchester

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-99
Author(s):  
Rachel Broady
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Unconscious ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Way

Journalists in Manchester have reported on homelessness with the intention of highlighting a problem, persuading a charitable response and encouraging legislative intervention. They serve as the way for readers, who may not spend time among the homeless, to observe and understand. This article argues that the representation is restricted by the ideological arena in which journalists work. It posits that by utilizing Fredric Jameson’s interpretive horizons methodology, the political unconscious of copy can be unearthed to reveal the acceptance of the inevitability of homelessness, which has been internalized and reconfigured in stories about the topic. It argues that it is possible to reveal the strategies of containment unconsciously employed, which conceal the relationship between labour and value, and ultimately defend the status quo, despite the intentions of journalists and publications. It further posits that the systemic, societal causes of homelessness are ultimately unchallenged, with the experience unconsciously mediated by the journalists and shared with an audience treated as fellow observers.

Conservatives and “Renewed Russia,” 1907-1914

Slavic Review ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 762-786 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikhail Loukianov
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Characteristic Feature ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Status ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

The article analyzes the relationship of conservatives to the political order that arose after the 1905 revolution. It suggests that by the start of World War I, a dissatisfaction with the status quo had become a characteristic feature of Russian conservatism. The archaic formula “orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality” was the quintessential conservative discourse, both for nationalist supporters of conservative reforms and for opponents of any innovation such as Dubrovin’s All-Russian Union of the Russian People. But this formula existed in sharp contradiction to the realities of “renewed Russia.” Conservatives continually underscored the lack of correspondence between reality and their conservative dogma. In conservative circles, the growth of social tensions on the eve of the war was also understood as evidence of the inadequacy of the new political order. Because of this, Russian conservatives did not aspire to preserve the Third of June system and did not try to restore it after February 1917.

scholarly journals For Us, By Us

Theoria ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 68 (168) ◽  
pp. 86-110
Author(s):  
Bryan Mukandi
Keyword(s):  
Continental Philosophy ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Epistemic Community ◽  
Philosophical Tradition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial Power ◽  
Intellectual Work ◽  
The Status ◽  
Ethical Relations ◽  
The Relationship

This article examines the Australian ‘Continental Philosophy’ community through the lens of the Azanian philosophical tradition. Specifically, it interrogates the series of conversations around race and methodology that arose from the 2017 Australasian Society for Continental Philosophy (ASCP) conference. At the heart of these were questions of place, race, Indigeneity, and the very meaning of ‘Continental Philosophy’ in Australia. The pages that follow pursue those questions, grappling with the relationship between the articulation of disciplinary bounds and the exercise of colonial power. Having struggled with the political and existential cost of participation in the epistemic community that is the ASCP, I argue for disengagement and the exploration of alternative intellectual communities. This is ultimately a call to intellectual work grounded on ethical relations rather than on the furtherance of the status quo. It is a call to take seriously the claim, ‘the land is ours’.

The Precarity of the Baton Pass

2020 ◽  
pp. 165-174
Author(s):  
Cat M. Ariail
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
White Women ◽  
American Identity ◽  
Track And Field ◽  
The Political ◽  
Competitive Sports ◽  
Black And White ◽  
The Status ◽  
Track Athletes ◽  
The Relationship

The chapter briefly surveys the status of black and white women athletes in the aftermath of Wilma Rudolph. By appearing to combine elite athleticism and appropriate femininity, Rudolph opened a cultural space for young white women to begin participating in track and field and other highly competitive sports. At the same time, the political and social ruptures of the mid- to late 1960s United States rendered black women track stars less resonant symbols of American identity, as demonstrated by the fate of the Tigerbelle sprint star who succeeded Rudolph, Wyomia Tyus. However, during the conservative culture of the 1980s, black women track athletes would reemerge as icons of Americanness. Black American track women thus are barometers of the boundaries of American belonging, with their variable periods of visibility and invisibility revealing much about the relationship between race, gender, sexuality, and national identity.

From the “Right to Have Rights” to the “Critique of Humanitarian Reason”

2018 ◽  
pp. 101-124
Author(s):  
Seyla Benhabib
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Hannah Arendt ◽  
Political Agency ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
Emancipatory Politics ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter explores Jacques Rancière's trenchant critique of Hannah Arendt, after briefly recalling Arendt's discussion of the right to have rights. It shows how Rancière not only misreads Arendt, but much of what he defends as the necessary enactment of rights is quite compatible with an Arendtian understanding of political agency. The chapter then turns to the quandaries of “humanitarian reason,” in Didier Fassin's felicitous phrase. To address them, the chapter calls for a new conceptualization of the relationship between international law and emancipatory politics; a new way of understanding how to negotiate the facticity and the validity of the law, including international humanitarian law, such as to create new vistas for the political.

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