scholarly journals To count or not to count? Insights from Kenya for global debates about enumerating ethnicity in national censuses

Ethnicities ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 146879682110563
Author(s):  
Samantha Balaton-Chrimes ◽  
Laurence Cooley
Keyword(s):  
Social Construction ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial History ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
Group Identities ◽  
History Of ◽  
Ethnicity And Race ◽  
Divide And Rule ◽  
Identity Groups

There is an impasse on the question of whether or not to enumerate identity groups in national censuses, given their potential to variously facilitate dominance and an emergence from marginalisation. In this paper, we theorise the impasse in Kenya as relating to a colonial history of the strategic use of ethnicity to divide and rule; a demographic makeup with both some large ethnic groups and many small ones; and the local social construction of ethnicity, which allows significant latitude for collapse, disaggregation and change of group identities. This case corrects the dominance of Europe and the Americas in census studies and offers insights for assessing the political stakes of counting, namely, the need to bring past and present into conversation; to consider the varied political effects of demography; and to consider the particular significance and meaning of ethnicity and race in context.

scholarly journals Betrayed by the Elites: How Corruption Amplifies the Political Effects of Recessions

2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402110474
Author(s):  
Carlos Sanz ◽  
Albert Solé-Ollé ◽  
Pilar Sorribas-Navarro
Keyword(s):  
Great Recession ◽  
Fixed Effects ◽  
Political Corruption ◽  
The Political ◽  
Difference In Difference ◽  
The Great Recession ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
History Of ◽  
Municipal Level

We investigate whether corruption amplifies the political effects of economic crises. Using Spanish municipal-level data and a difference-in-difference strategy, we find that local unemployment shocks experienced during the Great Recession (2008–2015) increased political fragmentation. This effect was four times larger in municipalities exposed to malfeasance than in municipalities without a history of political corruption. We bolster this evidence by showing that, conditional on province and population strata fixed effects, there is no evidence of differential pre-trends. We also find that the interaction of unemployment and corruption harms the two traditional main parties and benefits especially the new party on the left ( Podemos).

Fighting for the Empire

2019 ◽  
pp. 16-42
Author(s):  
Dónal Hassett
Keyword(s):  
Military Service ◽  
Comparative Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
Great War ◽  
Colonial History ◽  
Key Concepts ◽  
History Of ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Great War ◽  
First World

This chapter explores the history of military service in Algeria and across the colonial world before and during the Great War. It introduces the reader to key concepts from the fields of colonial history and First World War studies that are crucial to understanding the political legacies of the entanglement of the colonies and, especially, Algeria with the Great War. Taking a comparative approach, it explains the range of legal categories that underpinned colonial rule within the different empires and considers how the rights and responsibilities they implied were connected to and altered by military service. The chapter also examines the variety of attitudes toward the use of colonial soldiers in the different imperial polities and asks how these influenced the expectations of post-war reform in the colonies.

scholarly journals Historical geography of Altai in the epoch of Turkic Kaganate (VI-XIII centuries)

2021 ◽  
Vol 136 (3) ◽  
pp. 40-61
Author(s):  
T. Kayirken ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Tien Shan ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Careful Examination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Altai Mountains ◽  
Altai Region ◽  
Historical Processes ◽  
History Of

In the article the political, economic and cultural changes that took place in the Altai area in the epoch, in which the ancient Turks lived and founded the Kaganate (V-VIII centuries BC). For this, first of all, different ethnic groups (Gaoshae, Dinlin, Togyz Oguz, Basmyl) that inhabited Altai and its surroundings on the eve of the Turkic Era, their ethnic relations with the Blue Turks, migration, and political ties were considered. At the same time, attaching great importance to the legends and stories about the origins of the development and statehood of the Blue Turks, their first Turkic Kaganate, which created the Altai Mountains Central, and its division into two wings East-West, the relations of the West Turkic Kaganate and East Turkic Kaganate with the Tang empire were investigated. The geopolitical position of the Altai region in these historical processes is reflected. This is due to the fact that the Altai region plays a leading role in world historical processes. Three great empires that had an active influence on world history were first established in Altai and were widely spread from it. They are the empires of the Huns, the Blue Turks and the Genghis Khan. It is certainly no coincidence that all these empires could become the mainstay of Altai and influence the world. The article stresses the role and place of the Altai in the spiritual life of Turkic peoples, especially its paramount importance, by a careful examination of various situations characteristic only of the Turkic epoch. The first part deals with the role of Altai in a historical stage of Türks. For the first time it is analyzed as a unified historical and geographical region in the northeastern part of Eastern Turkestan (Xinjiang province of the PRC), where Bogd, Bayt and Altai mountains, Altai and Mountain Altai, as well as Sayan and Oypsei lowlands are located. This is the Altai area that we are constantly talking about. The article reveals the spiritual, economic and political role of the Altai Mountains in the formation of the state and their influence on the outside world and the prosperity of the Turks in the centre of this immense expanse. To that end great importance was attached to historical and geographical signs reflected in the legends about the origin of Türks, recorded in such historical sources of China as «The History of northern khanates», «The book of Chzhou», and «The book of Sui». All these data testify that ancient Türks inhabited in the subsequent half of V century BC from Northern foothills of Gaochan (Idikut) up to the Altai Mountains and its suburbs. So what were the earlier names and where did the Turks walk? To answer that question in the second part of the article we will briefly outline the history of several ethnic groups that formed the Türks. They are Dinlin, Gaoshe, Basmyl and Togyz Oguz, who since ancient times inhabited Altai and established their state one by one. Their entry onto the historical scene, interrelationship, migration, and cultural and economic development in chronological order are investigated in the article. The third section was devoted to the study of political events that took place in Altai during the time of the Turkic Kaganate. In the middle of VI century, the Turks grew out of the Telians that inhabited Altai. They were the Sueyantuo (xueyantuo), Dieleer (Dieleer), Shipan (Shipan), and Daqi (Daqi), inhabiting southwest of the Altai Mountains among 41 tribes stretching widely from Lake Baikal to the river Volga, in the south to the Jetkabyga (northern foothills of Tien Shan), which are mentioned in the «Book of Sui». In 546 other tribes of the Teli, who captured Oguzes, united and went on the offensive against Juzhans. The Tyumen Kagan started the subjugated Teli tribes, ruined them on the road, and took over 50 thousand rubles. From that moment their force increased. The article also emphasized that during the Türkic Kaganate Altai was a centre, and then a border of the Eastern and Western Türkic Kaganates, and the events that took place there affected each side. At the same time the major events that took place in Altai and influenced the political life of Western and Eastern Turkic Khaganates have been considered.

Towards the History of Malayan Society: Kuala Lumpur District, 1885–1912

1979 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. G. Butcher
Keyword(s):  
Social Structure ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Kuala Lumpur ◽  
Secret Societies ◽  
History Of ◽  
Plural Society ◽  
Culture And Language

Colonial Malaya is one of the classic examples of a plural society. In Furnivall's memorable words, it was a society in which “each group holds its own religion, its own culture and language, its own ideas and ways”, a society made up of different groups “living side by side, but separately, within the same political unit”. It is perhaps because of this all-important characteristic that social historians have tended to focus on one or another of the groups in Malayan society. There have been excellent studies of the Malays, the Chinese, and the Indians, and more recently historians have begun to look at smaller groups such as the Europeans. These studies have tended to emphasize the political history of the various groups, the effects of British policies, the history of immigration, and (for the Chinese) the workings of secret societies, but some attention has also been paid to important social changes such as the emergence of new organizations and elites. A very rewarding field has been the history of Malay education, which has revealed the ways in which the different forms of education were responsible both for reinforcing traditional Malay social structure and for introducing change. Clearly, the study of particular ethnic groups has been extremely fruitful. And a great deal more remains to be done.

scholarly journals Vukovar as example of multiethnic and divided city

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 101-126
Author(s):  
Josip Jagodar
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Interethnic Differences ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The City

Vukovar is the city in the East Croatia on the border with the Republic of Serbia. In the paper I attempt to show the development of the city, the composition of its population and the relationships between ethnic groups from establishing of Vukovar until the beginning of the Homeland war in 1991. The paper presents the history of the Croat majority and the minorities which were, and which are, present in the city: the Germans, Hungarians, Serbs, Rusyns, Ukrainians, Yews and the Slovaks. From the beginning Vukovar was a multicultural, multiethnic and multiconfessional city thanks to migrations which were present since its establishing, in which the Croats were the majority. After the WWI a large number of Serbs immigrated into this area. The political situation gave them benefits which earlier belonged to Germans and Hungarians. They gained power to rule the city. It became the source of constant tensions between the Serbian and Croatian population in the period of Yugoslavia (1918-1941) and during the WWII (1941-1944). Although the communist Yugoslav authorities were trying to pacify interethnic differences, the escalation of nationalisms brought about the siege and the capture of Vukovar in 1991 by the Serbian troops.

The Archives of the Municipality and the High Court of Asmara, Eritrea: Discovering the Eritrea “Hidden from History”

2004 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 469-478
Author(s):  
Francesca Locatelli
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial History ◽  
Horn Of Africa ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
High Court ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
Guerrilla War ◽  
History Of ◽  
Definition Of

Eritrean independence in 1993 raised fundamental questions regarding the Eritrean past. Inevitably, scholars initially focused their analysis on the history of the Eritrean nationalist movement and liberation struggle. The long guerrilla war against the Ethiopian regime attracted the interest of numerous researchers, not only because of its implications for the redefinition of the political landscape of the Horn of Africa, but also because of the ways in which it had mobilized and reorganized Eritrean society. While this literature has shed much light upon interesting aspects of the political history of independent Eritrea, further investigation of the precolonial and colonial past is still required to gain a deeper understanding of the formation of Eritrean national identity in all its intricate facets.The question of Eritrean national identity is intimately connected to its colonial history, which in many ways remains marginalized in the analysis of Eritrean past. The Italian colonial period between 1890 and 1941 was a crucial moment in the definition of those social and political transformations which contributed to the formation of Eritrea-as-a-nation. Nevertheless, this historical phase remains underexplored. The colonial past has been an issue that European powers to varying extents have had to confront since the end of empire. Both historians of colonialism and Africanist historians have collaborated in the reconstruction of the past of colonized societies. In Italy this process remains in embryonic form. Many Africanist historians, such as Irma Taddia and Alessandro Triulzi, have already addressed the problem concerning the gaps left by Italian historiography on both the colonial past and the history of the colonized societies in its various aspects. As Triulzi points out, both practical and political reasons slowed the development of those debates that were emerging in the historiographies of other excolonial powers.

scholarly journals Systems Analysis as Infrastructural Knowledge

2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (S1) ◽  
pp. 204-227
Author(s):  
Eglė Rindzevičiūtė
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Systems Analysis ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Industrial Applications ◽  
The Political ◽  
Intellectual Resource ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Scientific Experts ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
History Of

This article explores the political effects of the development of systems analysis as a form of “infrastructural knowledge”—that is, as a form of knowledge concerned with infrastructure, and an infrastructure of knowledge—that contributed to internal dissensus among scientific experts in the Soviet Union. Systems expertise is largely missing from existing work on the history of Soviet infrastructure. The article analyzes the development of governmental, managerial, and industrial applications of systems analysis in the Soviet context, as well as the transfer of Soviet systems expertise to developing countries. It argues that systems analysis constitutes a form of infrastructural knowledge that enabled Soviet scientists to criticize governmental policies, particularly largescale, top-down infrastructure projects. This critique is interpreted as an expression of a new normativity about what constitutes good governance; it became particularly salient when Soviet scientists were facing infrastructural projects in the global South. Systems analysis, in this way, constituted an important intellectual resource for endogenous liberalization of the authoritarian regime.

Transplant or graft? Hroch and the Mexican patriotic movements

2010 ◽  
Vol 38 (6) ◽  
pp. 793-812 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henio Hoyo
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
New Spain ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Core ◽  
Colonial Experience ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Way

In his highly influential work on the “small,” stateless European nations, Hroch seems to assume that patriotic movements have a homogeneous view about the core relations or “ties” that constitute and identify their nations. This assumption seems generally correct for the cases Hroch studies. However, is it correct if applied to the study of those patriotic movements developing in comparatively larger, heterogeneous and underdeveloped societies, comprising several ethnic groups bound together by the colonialist rule of an autocratic empire? I argue that, while the colonial experience can lead to the creation of some ties among the dominated populations, it also affects the way patriotic movements perceive their own nations. As a result, the phase of patriotic agitation can involve diverse movements addressing the same nation, but each having a particular view on the features and history of it. Such contested patriotic doctrines can lead to very important variations in the political agendas and goals of those movements, especially when they reach the mass phase. To exemplify this, the nineteenth century movements in New Spain/Mexico will be used as an example.

The Social Origins and Provenance of the English Bishops during the Reign of Edward II

1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Social Background ◽  
Early Career ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Origins ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Edward Ii ◽  
The Social ◽  
Complete Study ◽  
History Of

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.

Kämpfe um Bergbau und die Möglichkeiten demokratischer Transformation

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (189) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Social Power ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
Mining Project ◽  
National Governments ◽  
The Relationship

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.

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