scholarly journals A ?third way? in welfare reform? Evidence from the United Kingdom

2004 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 765-788 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hills ◽  
Jane Waldfogel
Author(s):  
Laura Richards-Gray

Abstract This article argues that shared problematizations—shared political and public ways of thinking—legitimize policies and their outcomes. To support this argument, it examines the legitimation of gendered welfare reform in the recent U.K. context. Drawing on focus groups with the public, it provides evidence that the public’s problematization of welfare, specifically that reform was necessary to “make work pay” and “restore fairness”, aligned with that of politicians. It argues that the assumptions and silences underpinning this shared problematization, especially silences relating to the value and necessity of care, have allowed for welfare policies that have disadvantaged women.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-217
Author(s):  
Kevin Caraher ◽  
Enrico Reuter

Self-employment in the United Kingdom rose steadily until 2017, as part of wider changes in labour markets towards more flexible and potentially more vulnerable forms of employment. At the same time, welfare reform has continued under the current and previous governments, with a further expansion of conditionality with respect to benefit recipients. The incremental introduction of Universal Credit is likely to intensify the subjection of vulnerable categories of the self-employed to welfare conditionalities and to thus accentuate the ambivalent nature of self-employment. This article analyses the impact of Universal Credit on the self-employed by first discussing elements of precarity faced by the self-employed, and, second, by exploring the consequences of the roll-out of Universal Credit for those self-employed people who are reliant on the social protection system.


2018 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 771-791 ◽  
Author(s):  
Del Roy Fletcher ◽  
John Flint

In a contemporary evolution of the tutelary state, welfare reform in the United Kingdom has been characterised by moves towards greater conditionality and sanctioning. This is influenced by the attributing responsibility for poverty and unemployment to the behaviour of marginalised individuals. Mead (1992) has argued that the poor are dependants who ought to receive support on condition of certain restrictions imposed by a protective state that will incentivise engagement with support mechanisms. This article examines how the contemporary tutelary and therapeutic state has responded to new forms of social marginality. Drawing on a series of in-depth interviews conducted with welfare claimants with an offending background in England and Scotland, the article examines their encounters with the welfare system and argues that alienation, rather than engagement with support, increasingly characterises their experiences.


2002 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 138-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carole Leathwood ◽  
Annette Hayton

This paper explores the intentions and attempts of the New Labour government in the United Kingdom (UK) to challenge educational inequalities. It begins with an overview of ‘Third Way’ philosophy and New Labour's commitment to social justice and social inclusion, then moves on to examine three policy themes in some detail: the economising of education; support for ability setting and selection; and policy related to widening participation in higher education. The paper highlights the contradictions in New Labour educational policies and pronouncements, and concludes that current policy developments are likely to reinforce rather than ameliorate educational inequalities.


Author(s):  
Gayle Allard ◽  
Amanda Trabant

Public-Private Partnerships (PPP), a marriage between public- and private-sector activity, have been employed for almost two decades as a third way to optimize the use of public funds and boost the quality of services traditionally provided by the public sector. Their use has spread from the United Kingdom to Europe and beyond, and has expanded from the transport sector to innovative projects in health, education and others. In Spain, successive governments have seized on PPPs as a solution to budget constraints at a time of dwindling EU aid and stricter fiscal targets. As a result, the use of PPPs at all levels of government has exploded since 2003 and most recently culminated in a major infrastructure plan which relies on the private sector for 40% of its total investment. Undoubtedly, this trend will bring benefits to the Spanish population in terms of more abundant, lower-cost and higher-quality services. However, there are risks implicit in the way PPP is unfolding in Spain that could limit and even undo these benefits unless steps are taken to coordinate, monitor and follow up public-private projects and to communicate their virtues to the public. Spain presents an interesting paradox in the history of PPP. While it is one of Europes oldest, most active and most enthusiastic users of PPP, it is at the same time one of the countries that has demonstrated least interest at an official level in informing, monitoring, regulating and following up projects to ensure that their deepest benefits are being achieved. Relying on PPP only for private financing entails a risk that the benefits of PPP will not be realized and public services will actually become more expensive and less satisfactory over the medium and long term. The Spanish government is advised to take steps similar to those taken in the United Kingdom, to ensure that PPP is managed correctly and hence becomes an asset and not a liability to Spanish citizens.


2008 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN HUDSON ◽  
GYU-JIN HWANG ◽  
STEFAN KÜHNER

AbstractThis article examines the policy detail of welfare state reform agendas in two countries in which self-proclaimed ‘Third Way’ governments have been in power – Germany and the United Kingdom – in order to explore the competing influences on social policy of an ostensibly common set of ideas and contrasting institutionalised policy legacies. In so doing, it assesses the analytic utility of Bevir and Rhodes’ ideationally rooted interpretive approach against institutionally rooted claims of path dependency. It concludes that while the interpretive approach rightly stresses the need for a stronger focus on ideas as an explanation for policy change, the detail of actual Third Way policy reforms can only be understood from within the two nations’ institutionalised policy legacies. In addition, it argues that policy networks have had a considerable influence on reform trajectories too. The article advocates a closer synthesis of perspectives centred around ideas, interests and institutions in order to further our understanding of processes of policy change.


2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Nolan

Welfare reform is high on the political agenda in both New Zealand and the United Kingdom. In New Zealand an independent welfare working group has released its final report and the prime minister, John Key, signalled that the government would consider its findings. In the United Kingdom the secretary of state for work and pensions, Iain Duncan Smith, has outlined plans to radically reduce the cost and complexity of working-aged benefits and to increase the involvement of the private sector in the delivery of services. This article compares welfare reform in New Zealand and the UK. Such a comparison is of interest given the similar social policy traditions in the two countries and similarities and differences in the approaches taken to their welfare reforms. There are also important lessons – on what to do and on what not to do – that the countries can learn from each other.


2000 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Gerald E. Caiden ◽  
Naomi J Caiden

All over the world, countries are seeking to improve their gorvernance systems through political and administrative reforms, even those considered to be among the best governed and administered. These advanced democracies have rejected radical idelogies in favor of pragmatic centrist policies termed "The Third Way" that consolidates and builds upon well-established institutions and practices. But they are all moving into new territory. Australia's new doctrine of administrative responsibility seeks to hold all executives, poblic and private, accountable for any public harm occuring on their watch. Canada is enlarging its public policy making arena by involving citizens in its new policy research initiative. New Zealand is rethinking its Beveridge style welfare state to reduce its costs and give citizens a wider choice. The United Kingdom intends to put people first in public administration rather than official convenience and bureaucratic prespects. Finally, the United States attempts to prove that public goods and services are worthwhile and rewarding by more accurately measuring government performance through refined indicators. Together, these initiatives if successful promise to strengthen their democratic ethos.


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