The Discourse of Civil Society and the Self-elimination of the Party

- The author wishes to highlight the lay-out of agrarian academies in Italy, the social and cultural outlines of academic members, the academies as institutions, the connection between the agrarian societies and the state as well as new eighteenth's century scientific culture and tradition. The picture is very complex but the author outlines the revival of the old academical models, the difficulties to enlist qualified persons in the field of agronomy, the short weight of the scientific outlook, the subordination of the academies to the state as indication of the difficulties in the self-organisation of the civil society.

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A Stronger Case for Religion: Perspectives on Multicultural Education and on Religiously Affiliated Schools

International Journal of Education and Religion ◽

10.1163/1570-0623-90000016 ◽

2000 ◽

Vol 1 (1) ◽

pp. 47-63

Author(s):

Friedrich Schweitzer

Keyword(s):

Civil Society ◽

Multicultural Education ◽

Democratic Education ◽

Religious Tradition ◽

The Self ◽

Religious Communities ◽

Educational Institutions ◽

Religiously Affiliated ◽

Critical Reflexivity ◽

New Synthesis

Against all possible objections, religiously affiliated schools clearly have a place within multicultural education. Yet they may only play their future role if they really are, or become, agents of educational reform, for example, with a clear emphasis on interreligious learning and on supporting a new synthesis between religious tradition and critical reflexivity of the self. Churches and religious communities must come to understand themselves as well as their educational institutions as part of the strong civil society on which the future of democratic education may well depend.

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Hegel's Citizen

Hegel Bulletin ◽

10.1017/s0263523200002007 ◽

2004 ◽

Vol 25 (1-2) ◽

pp. 41-53

Author(s):

Dudley Knowles

Keyword(s):

Civil Society ◽

The State ◽

The Self ◽

The Political ◽

Modern State ◽

Acting Out ◽

Full Understanding ◽

Free Agency ◽

Ethical Status

Hegel's account of freedom is complex and difficult. It integrates a doctrine of free agency, a theory of social freedom, and a self-determining theodicy of Spirit. To achieve full understanding, if full understanding is possible, the student must both disentangle and articulate the components, and then fit together the separate pieces into an intelligible whole. And what is true of the whole is true of the parts; each element is in turn complex and controversial.In this paper, I want to investigate one very small aspect of this picture — the political phenomenology of the citizen of Hegel's rational state. Whether we are delineating the contours of free agency or re-telling Hegel's story about the modes of freedom constitutive of the institutions of the modern state, sooner or later we shall have to interpret Hegel's description of the self-consciousness of the typical citizen. We shall have to give some account of what citizens take to be their political standing, and show how both this standing and the citizens' understanding of it contribute to freedom.This should not be a controversial claim. To paraphrase portions of the famous statement at PR §260: The state is the actuality of concrete freedom. Members of families integrated into civil society knowingly and willingly acknowledge their citizenship and actively pursue the ends of the state. They do not live as private persons merely; in understanding, endorsing and acting out their ethical status as citizens they achieve such subjective fulfilment as isnecessaryfor them to be truly free.

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Hegel's System of Needs: The Elementary Relations of Economic Justice

Hegel Bulletin ◽

10.1017/s0263523200001282 ◽

1998 ◽

Vol 19 (1-2) ◽

pp. 51-72

Author(s):

David Merrill

Keyword(s):

Civil Society ◽

Economic Justice ◽

The Self ◽

Self Determination ◽

Social Character ◽

Natural Necessity ◽

Philosophy Of Right ◽

Characteristic Features ◽

Rule Out

The Philosophy of Right is not usually taken to contain a prescriptive ethics. Yet to establish as much regarding the elementary relations of the economy is the task of this essay. The project is cast into three parts. It begins with Hegel's account in the ‘Introduction’ of the free self prior to the exposition of the modes of just conduct or philosophy of right proper. It is an account of freedom not yet realized — without any particular content. Yet, the point is established that the philosophy of justice will be based on a twofold notion of self-determination. Most of the ‘Introduction’ concerns the argument that freedom or valid conduct has to do with pure self-determination, the self determining itself. The claim is also made that philosophy establishes its own legitimacy through its conceptual self-determination. Part two deals with the question of how freedom can be realized in civil society where the individual's governing orientation is particularity. The characteristic features of civil society do not encourage the expectation that freedom can be realized there. One, particularity itself appears to be rooted in a natural necessity which seems to preclude any possibility of freedom. Two, the inherently social character of civil society seems to rule out the exercise of a freedom that is about the self's relation to itself in self-determination. Three, the pursuit of particularity characteristic of civil society seems inherently antisocial and thus not a suitable mode of conduct for ethics. However, the argument will be made that the theory can conceive of the relations of particularity in a way that makes the free self inherently social and particularity both social and free from natural determinations.

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Czy Solidarność była społeczeństwem obywatelskim? Jak został zapomniany neorepublikański projekt samorządnej rzeczypospolitej

Kultura i Spoleczenstwo ◽

10.35757/kis.2010.54.4.8 ◽

2010 ◽

Vol 54 (4) ◽

pp. 141-152

Author(s):

Paweł Załęski

Keyword(s):

Civil Society ◽

The Self ◽

Political Prisoners ◽

Martial Law

Analysis of the extant data, such as opposition press and documents, shows that participants of the first Solidarity did not know or use the concept of civil society. The dynamics of discourse of the first Solidarity found its climax instead in the concept of the self-governing Republic. Only in 1987, after a general amnesty for political prisoners, the concept of civil society was adopted, replacing the concept of the underground society which had been current under Martial Law. Thus, the neoliberal concept of civil society displaced the concept of self-governing Republic.

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Historicizing the Left: A Review of Michał Siermiński "Dekada Przełomu: polska lewica opozycyjna 1968-1980", Warszawa: Książka i Prasa 2016 [Historyzowanie lewicy. Recenzja książki Michała Siermińskiego "Dekada przełomu. Polska lewica opozycyjna 1968–1980", Warszawa: Książka i Prasa 2016]

Studia Litteraria et Historica ◽

10.11649/slh.1781 ◽

2019 ◽

Author(s):

David Ost

Keyword(s):

Civil Society ◽

The Self ◽

Left Wing ◽

The Church

Historicizing the Left: A Review of Michał Siermiński "Dekada Przełomu: polska lewica opozycyjna 1968-1980", Warszawa: Książka i Prasa 2016This review of Michał Siermiński Dekada przełomu: Polska lewica opozycyjna 1968–1980 [Transformative Decade: The Polish Oppositionist Left 1968–1980] critiques the author’s focus on ideas by offering a class-based understanding of the changes in Polish oppositionist politics, makes a case for the leftism of the “Civil Society” program of the 1970s, and argues that the old oppositionists’ discussions of the Church and “nation” were not violations of leftism but a way to frame the left so as to make it more acceptable to more people. The left faces very different tasks and problems now than it did in the 1970s or 1980s, which explains why Siermiński could write such a left-wing critique today. Yet while his book is extremely valuable, and the present left does certainly need a new program, it could still use some of the self-governing ideas of the 1970s in its current struggle against neoliberalism. Historyzowanie lewicy. Recenzja książki Michała Siermińskiego Dekada przełomu. Polska lewica opozycyjna 1968–1980, Warszawa: Książka i Prasa 2016Niniejsza recenzja książki Michała Siermińskiego Dekada przełomu: Polska lewica opozycyjna 1968–1980 poddaje krytyce nacisk położony przez autora na idee, dowodząc, że zmiany w poglądach politycznych polskiej opozycji należy postrzegać w perspektywie klasowej, projekt „społeczeństwa obywatelskiego” z lat siedemdziesiątych był w swojej istocie lewicowy, a dyskusje na temat Kościoła i „narodu” nie oznaczały zerwania z lewicowością, tylko ujęcie jej w ramy bardziej akceptowalne dla większości. Przed lewicą stoją dziś zupełnie inne zadania i problemy niż w latach siedemdziesiątych czy osiemdziesiątych XX wieku, co tłumaczy, dlaczego Siermiński mógł obecnie napisać tego rodzaju lewicową krytykę i dlaczego krytyka ta jest tak wartościowa. Jednakże choć współczesnej lewicy z pewnością potrzebny jest nowy program, może ona wykorzystać pewne idee z lat siedemdziesiątych w walce z neoliberalizmem.

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Civil Society in Ukraine: Strategies and Strategemes of Functioning and Development

Ukrainian Studies ◽

10.30840/2413-7065.1(78).2021.225455 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 121-140

Author(s):

Valentyn Krysachenko

Keyword(s):

Civil Society ◽

Identity Formation ◽

Decisive Role ◽

Civic Identity ◽

The Self ◽

Self Determination ◽

Self Organization ◽

Illegal Activities ◽

The Relationship ◽

Different Levels

The article studies the functioning and development of civil society in Ukraine. In times of statelessness, it was the self-organization and resistance of the Ukrainian people that guaranteed the preservation of their identity and implementation of liberation strategies. Civil society has played a decisive role in gaining the independence of modern Ukraine and serves as a kind of precautionary mechanism for stabilizing crisis situations in its development. Attention is drawn to the importance of political strategies for reforming society and threats to substitute them with strategemes – situational concepts of influencing public opinion. Emphasis is put on the need to improve the relationship between civil society and various branches of power, moreover at different levels of government. This causes civic identity formation as conscious self-determination by citizens of their exclusive affiliation to the Ukrainian state and territorial space. Of particular importance is the improvement of political and legal support for such cooperation in the context of attempts to use public organizations for illegal activities, including the support of the aggressor country’s policy.

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A política de produção habitacional por mutirões autogeridos: construindo algumas questões

Revista Brasileira de Estudos Urbanos e Regionais ◽

10.22296/2317-1529.2003v5n1p31 ◽

2003 ◽

Vol 5 (1) ◽

pp. 31 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Cibele Saliba Rizek ◽

Joana Barros ◽

Marta De Aguiar Bergamin

Keyword(s):

Social Movements ◽

Civil Society ◽

Social Housing ◽

The Self ◽

Social Rights ◽

Housing Production ◽

Housing Policies ◽

Public Funds

Este artigo busca discutir a produção de habitação social através dos chamados mutirões autogeridos, pondo em relevo a constituição e a mudança do caráter por que passou este tipo de política, entre os anos 80 e 90. Trata-se de tematizar como – a partir de um ideário emancipatório que apostou na autonomia dos movimentos sociais e da sociedade civil diante de políticas sociais centralizadas no Estado, urdidas no período da ditadura militar – chega-se a uma política cujas dimensões da autonomia mudam de caráter, legitimando ou podendo legitimar ações assentadas no uso do trabalho gratuito dos futuros usuários, que produzem unidades habitacionais financiadas por fundos públicos alinhados com as dimensões de uma gestão das precariedades.Palavras-chave: mutirão autogerido; política habitacional; direitos sociais. The self-managed mutirões housing production politics: building some questionsAbstract: This article searches a discussion about social housing production through the practices of the mutirões, emphasizing a process that changed the character of social housing policies and political practices between the decades of the 80´s and 90´s. It argues how the conceptions of autonomy and emancipation of civil society and social movements during the period of Brazilian dictatorship government in the 70´s changed into policies that justify practices of non-payed work in the production of houses supported by public funds that can be seen as an administration of precariousness and misery, instead of policies of autonomy and emancipation. Keywords: self-managed housing practices; housing policies; social rights.

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The Political Opposition and Democracy in Macao: Revolutionaries or Loyalists?

Government and Opposition ◽

10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01356.x ◽

2012 ◽

Vol 47 (1) ◽

pp. 97-116 ◽

Cited By ~ 4

Author(s):

Eilo Yu Wing-yat ◽

Natalie Chin Ka-man

Keyword(s):

Civil Society ◽

Environmental Factors ◽

Political Reform ◽

The Self ◽

The Political ◽

Special Administrative Region ◽

Self Perception ◽

Political Opposition ◽

Colonial Era ◽

Current Regime

AbstractThis article examines the nature of political opposition in the Macao Special Administrative Region (MSAR) to give us an understanding of its role in and approach to political reform in the territory. It explores the emergence of the pro-democracy opposition in Macao since the end of the colonial era and the self-perception of pro-democratic opposition groups in the MSAR regime, and argues that the majority of opposition groups perceive themselves as ‘loyal’ opponents to the current regime. The groups aim at checking the authorities in the scope of the constitution as loyal constituents. Their assumption of this role is the result of several environmental factors, including a relatively weak civil society, a lack of resources and a pro-government media.

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KAPITTEL 7 Fra felt til verktøy: Om Selvhjelp Norge som koordinerende enhet

Samarbeid om selvhjelp ◽

10.23865/noasp.68.ch7 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 167-189 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Hilde Hatleskog Zeiner

Keyword(s):

Civil Society ◽

Civil Society Organizations ◽

The Self ◽

Civil Society Organization ◽

National Plan ◽

Central Idea ◽

Public Authorities ◽

Self Help

Since 2004, Norway has a National plan for self-help. The plan results from the collaboration of the Directorate for Health and the Norwegian Self-Help Forum, a civil society organization. The chapter asks whether and how the plan coordinates the efforts and activities of self-help organizations and other civil society actors. It compares two cooperative efforts between civil society actors in the self-help field: the self-help seminars of the 1990s and the establishment of LINK Trondheim in 2014. The analysis shows that the national plan for self-help has transformed the field, but not as envisaged in the 2004 plan. The chapter suggests that the diagnosis informing the plan was flawed. That rather than being a sign of fragmentation, diversity is an indication of a well-functioning self-help field. It argues, therefore, that it is problematic that the plan, rather than representing diversity, promotes a particular understanding and approach to self-help. Whereas a central idea in the 2004 plan was to build stronger ties and networks between civil society actors, interviews with actors involved in the establishment of LINK Trondheim, as well as other civil society organizations, indicate that there is less interaction between the organizations today than 20 years ago. Instead, Self-Help Norway seems to have turned to other actors, such as welfare producers, welfare professionals, and public authorities. The question, then, is whether we are witnessing the contours of a new self-help field, organized around other actors, interests and resources.

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