Islamists and Politics in Tunisia Today: Is the Foundation of a Democratic Islamic Party Possible?

Arab Spring ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 39-53
Author(s):  
Mouldi Lahmar
Keyword(s):  
2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-254
Author(s):  
Ahmad Gelora Mahardika ◽  
Sun Fatayati

This paper aims to examine the phenomenon of the decline of voters in Islamic ideology in Indonesia. Indonesian history notes that Islamic Political Parties have triumphed in political circles with their ability to impose fierce debates against nationalist groups and religions other than Islam when discussing constitutional changes. The endless debate then forced President Soekarno to issue a presidential decree. The sweet history of Islamic Political Parties began to decline when the regime of the New Order government fused authoritatively and caused no more unity of opinion in the Islamic party. At present, Islamic ideology political parties also have a tendency to turn to the Cacth All Party, which is considered more profitable and provides wider opportunities to gain power. This paper aims to prove the changing behavior of voters of Islamic political parties in the history of Indonesia's political configuration.


Author(s):  
Amaney A. Jamal

This chapter focuses on Morocco, highlighting how citizens across the North African monarchy rationalize authoritarianism through the prism of strategic utility to U.S. (and EU) ties. Morocco includes one of the most progressive Islamic movements in the region, and citizens, while applauding the movement's moderation, remain wary of its foreign intentions. Enhancing ties with the United States and maintaining ties to Europe were often cited as key reasons why the status quo was preferable to increasing levels of democracy. It became apparent that although the Islamic Party for Justice and Development is considered moderate in terms of its internal Islamic agenda, many in the kingdom worried about the party's stance toward the United States.


1993 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 609-628 ◽  
Author(s):  
David B. Edwards

Gulbuddin hekmatyar made the above statement in a speech to Afghan refugees in Peshawar, Pakistan, in the early 1980s. As the leader (amīr) of Hizb-i Islami Afghanistan (the Islamic Party of Afghanistan), one of the principal Islamic parties then fighting to overthrow the Marxist regime in Afghanistan, Hekmatyar was primarily concerned in this speech with condemning the leftist leadership in Kabul and its Soviet sponsors. However, the head of the most radical of the Afghan resistance parties also took time to inform his audience about the origins of his party as a student group at Kabul University in the late 1960s. This reminiscence of student days was not a digression or flight of fancy. To the contrary, Hekmatyar's historical reflections have major significance in the context of Afghan national politics, for it is through history that Hizb-i Islami Afghanistan has staked its claim to rule Afghanistan.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Qamar Abbas Cheema ◽  
Syed Qandil Abbas

Pakistan's confessional parties are re-inventing themselves. The Parties that are carrying a legacy from the time before partition are struggling to keep themselves relevant in mainstream political discourse. Pakistan's political landscape is changing because of the rise of Tehreek-i-Insaf, a progressive center-right political party that has altered the electioneering environment in Pakistan. Two main confessional parties Jamaat Islami (JI) and Jamiat Ulma e Islam Fazal Ur Rehman (JUI-F) are trying to develop an inclusive and pluralist political agenda. JI is a hierarchical Islamic party whereas JUI-F is a network Islamic party. Political Islam is in the process of shrinking in Pakistan because of the rise of political alternatives and outdatedness of the political and electoral discourse of confessional parties. Political Islam in Pakistan is changing by improving its ideological, political, and organizational structure in relation to its contemporary rivals. Changes in political Islam are not because of intellectual diversity and growth within confessional parties but to manage and compete for the rise of competing domestic political perspectives. Transnational connections with like-minded Islamist groups have scaled-down as the like-minded religio-ideological partners are termed as extremists and terrorists.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 411
Author(s):  
Elfa Murdiana ◽  
Titut Sudiono

Abstract This research analyses the concept of leadership within transnational Islam tradition in Indonesia and their response towards democracy, particularly within three largest transnational organizations of Jama’ah Tabligh, Jama’ah Tarbiyah, and Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI).  Based on an extensive literature study and in depth interviews, this research found that: first, leadership concept in the tradition of (1) Jamaah Tabligh is called “Amir” which is appointed through a dialogue (musyawarah). The Amir is responsible to preach ‘the da’wah ‘ala> Minhaj an-Nubuwwah (proselytizing Islam using Prophetic methods) through ‘khuru>j fi> sabi>lilla>h; (2) Jama’ah Tarbiyah is called “Majlis Syuro” as the highest body of the Islamic party which functions as “ahlul halli wal ‘aqdi” (the consultative assembly) in its political movement represented by Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Prosperous Justice Party/ PKS); and (3) HTI is called “Khalifah” that calls for the system of ‘Khila>fah ‘ala> Minha>ji an-Nubuwwah’. Second, those three organizations have divergent responses regarding the practice of democracy in Indonesia. The responses are (1) Jamaah Tabligh chooses to be apolitical and let its followers whether to participate in the democracy or not; (2) Jamaah Tarbiyah supports the democracy system by establishing Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), and (3) HTI opposes democracy because the concept is born from the capitalist ideology, a kufr system as it created by human and is not taken from Shari’ah concept..  Keywords: Leadership. Transnasional, and Democracy


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 186
Author(s):  
Agus Riyanto

Sociologically, Indonesia is a country with the largest Muslim population in the world, however no Islamic party has ever won the legislative electoral since the Old Order. There are limited research which link the defeat of Islamic parties with their own history as a context. This study uses the perspective of historical institutionalism, particularly the analysis of path dependencies and critical junctures to analyze the defeat of Indonesian Islamic parties by linking the past political decisions in a critical junctures framework. This study has two main findings. First, the defeat of Indonesian Islamic parties during 1955 to 2019 elections was the result of a causal mechanism which was related to political decisions in moments of critical junctures. The mechanism had a significant effect on the path of development of Islamic parties and led to the outcome of defeat. Second, the defeat of the Indonesian Islamic party indicates a path of dependence repetition which includes three process dependence paths triggered by three critical moments in the form of political decisions of party agents. Each resulted in a series of causal follow-up events in the aftermath of critical juncture, which were the process of reactive sequences, reinforcement or self-reinforcing sequences, as well as reinforcement or self-reinforcing sequences and reactive sequences, and put Islamic parties on a certain development path towards the final outcome of the legislative election defeat. 


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