Summoning Muslims: Print, Politics, and Religious Ideology in Afghanistan

1993 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 609-628 ◽  
Author(s):  
David B. Edwards

Gulbuddin hekmatyar made the above statement in a speech to Afghan refugees in Peshawar, Pakistan, in the early 1980s. As the leader (amīr) of Hizb-i Islami Afghanistan (the Islamic Party of Afghanistan), one of the principal Islamic parties then fighting to overthrow the Marxist regime in Afghanistan, Hekmatyar was primarily concerned in this speech with condemning the leftist leadership in Kabul and its Soviet sponsors. However, the head of the most radical of the Afghan resistance parties also took time to inform his audience about the origins of his party as a student group at Kabul University in the late 1960s. This reminiscence of student days was not a digression or flight of fancy. To the contrary, Hekmatyar's historical reflections have major significance in the context of Afghan national politics, for it is through history that Hizb-i Islami Afghanistan has staked its claim to rule Afghanistan.

Author(s):  
Thomas Pepinsky

This chapter reviews recent research on popular support for Islamic parties, focusing on Muslim Southeast Asia. It distinguishes among several different linkages between voters and political parties that generate votes for Islamic parties: religious ideology, party brand, and demographic association. Voters face choices among religious and nonreligious parties that bundle together various appeals, only some of which are directly tied to religion, and voters may vote for parties either out of policy concerns or as an expression of their identity. The central implication of this argument is that voting for an Islamic party is not always a vote for Islam, and voting for a non-Islamic party sometimes is. This warrants caution in interpreting popular support for religious parties as evidence of popular support for religious agendas. It also warrants caution in interpreting the success of non-Islamic parties as a defense against religious agendas. Using the cases of Indonesia and Malaysia to illustrate the challenges in inferring voter intentions from vote choices in multiparty electoral systems, the chapter outlines a research agenda that better embeds voter behavior in its sociological, historical, and institutional contexts.


Dialog ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 126-139
Author(s):  
Nurus Shalihin Djamra

This article describes the presence of Islamic party in West Sumatera resulting new dynamics in social and political structure of Minangkabau ethnic. Hence, muslims have boosted the strong and clean democracy because of their participation in politics particularly in 2004­2009 legislative election. Surprisingly, Islam is not always correlated with political choice. Eventhough  the most population in West Sumatera is Islam, but their political choice is not always Islamic parties. The lose of Islam politics (Islamic Parties) in legislative election was the fact. This was seemingly  because of shifting paradigm of constituent, from ideological consideration to rational consideration, from identity politics to national politics. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 186
Author(s):  
Agus Riyanto

Sociologically, Indonesia is a country with the largest Muslim population in the world, however no Islamic party has ever won the legislative electoral since the Old Order. There are limited research which link the defeat of Islamic parties with their own history as a context. This study uses the perspective of historical institutionalism, particularly the analysis of path dependencies and critical junctures to analyze the defeat of Indonesian Islamic parties by linking the past political decisions in a critical junctures framework. This study has two main findings. First, the defeat of Indonesian Islamic parties during 1955 to 2019 elections was the result of a causal mechanism which was related to political decisions in moments of critical junctures. The mechanism had a significant effect on the path of development of Islamic parties and led to the outcome of defeat. Second, the defeat of the Indonesian Islamic party indicates a path of dependence repetition which includes three process dependence paths triggered by three critical moments in the form of political decisions of party agents. Each resulted in a series of causal follow-up events in the aftermath of critical juncture, which were the process of reactive sequences, reinforcement or self-reinforcing sequences, as well as reinforcement or self-reinforcing sequences and reactive sequences, and put Islamic parties on a certain development path towards the final outcome of the legislative election defeat. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-213
Author(s):  
Lili Romli

The Islamic political parties in the Reform era grew up exceeding the period of Parliamentary Democracy. In the electoral competition during the Reform era, Islamic political parties did not receive adequate votes. The votes won by Islamic parties tend to go down from election to election. There are several factors that have caused the Islamic party to fail to win the support of Muslim votes. First, Islamic parties are fragmented and internal conflict. Second, Muslim voters do a change in ideological orientation which no chooses an Islamic party but a nationalist party. Third, nationalist parties accommodate Muslim aspirations by forming Islamic organizations. Fourth, the crisis of leadership of the Islamic party. Fifth, the absence of a real party program. To improve the electoral, Islamic parties must concern on programs to improve people's welfare, democratization, eradicate corruption, and realize social justice. The leader of Islamic parties must be exemplary, visionary, integrity, and rooted in the community.


Author(s):  
Thomas B. Pepinsky ◽  
R. William Liddle ◽  
Saiful Mujani

Islamic political parties and social organizations have capitalized upon economic grievances to win popular support. But existing research has been unable to disentangle the role of Islamic party ideology from programmatic economic appeals and social services in explaining these parties’ popular support. This chapter demonstrates that Islamic party platforms function as informational shortcuts to Muslim voters, and confer a political advantage only when voters are uncertain about parties’ economic policies. Using experiments embedded in an original nationwide survey in Indonesia, we find that Islamic parties are systematically more popular than otherwise identical non-Islamic parties only under cases of economic policy uncertainty. This relationship is driven by the most pious Muslims. When respondents know economic policy platforms, Islamic parties never have an advantage over non-Islamic parties, regardless of how pious they are. Islam’s political advantage is real, but circumscribed by parties’ economic platforms and voters’ knowledge of them.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruslan Ismail Mage

<p>Map of the Strength of Islamic Parties in the Four Governments Era in Indonesia. This writing uses library research methods. The problem in this paper is how the strength of Islamic-based Political Parties in Indonesia in four eras of government, namely the Parliamentary Democracy era (1950-1959), Guided Democracy (1959-1965), New Order (1965-1998), and Reformation (1999-Present )? His findings are that Islam-based political parties cannot be separated from the three time dimensions of the Indonesian people, past, present and future. Since the first elections in 1955 until the 2014 election, it has always been an important part of Indonesia's political process, although it has never been the winner of the election. So long as there is a community organization based on Islam, during this time the Islamic party will always exist and fly in Indonesian politics.</p><p> </p><p>Keywords: Islamic party, parliamentary, guided democracy, new order, reform</p>


Author(s):  
Wuri Arenggoasih

In accordance with Article 29 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Indonesia recognizes the religion and protects the freedom of the people in carrying out its religious teachings. Indonesia is a plural country because of the diversity of beliefs and the beliefs held by the community. But because of this diversity, Indonesia has a sensitivity especially associated with religious issues. In the last two years, the establishment of the negative issues about Islam has been increasing. Consequently, Islam is cornered in Indonesia. This situation is feared to be able to further exacerbate the potential for votes for the Islamic parties in the 2019 election. Therefore, the concept of issues management of Chase W. Howard model is used in this study to answer how the management of the Islamic party issues is to face the 2019 Election. The research method used is the qualitative descriptive approach in the interpretive paradigm with the design of case study research. The results of the research show that the Islamic party has exceeded all elements on the issues management of Chase model. These elements become the step of the Islamic party against the issues of Islam and exist in the democratic system, especially for the 2019 election without reducing the sense of peace in Indonesia.


Author(s):  
I. V. Kudryashova ◽  
A. S. Kozintsev

The article is devoted to the analysis of the transformation of the concept of Islamic party in the Muslim political discourse. Considering the processes of separation of Islam and politics as the formation of independent communication systems, the authors try to find an answer to the question of how, despite doctrinal restrictions, the notion “Islamic party” managed to acquire the features of a stable political concept. The authors propose a hypothesis, according to which, as the socio-political modernization of the Arab countries proceeds, the political system appropriates this concept, thereby specifying Islamic values at the level that allows to combine these values with new power institutions and fulfill specific political actions with these values. To test this hypothesis, the authors turn to the analysis of the temporal structure of the concept of party in Quran (Sunnah), the texts of the first ideologues of the Muslim Brotherhood and the rhetoric of the modern Islamic movements that occupy stable positions in the national parliaments. As a result of the study, the authors document the polysemantics inherent in the Islamic doctrine and identify the main parameters of the temporalization and pragmatization of the concept. According to their conclusion, the Islamic parties’ abandonment of Quranic time and placement in the national-historical contexts, as well as the erosion of their initial core values, determine the mo dern perception and functional significance of such parties: they act as an institution that differentiates Islamic norms and ensures their combination with the institutions of the nation state that emerged in the process of moder nization.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 150-168
Author(s):  
Jamilludin Ali

The majority of Indonesian's populations are Moslems. The Islamic political elite saw the opportunity to take power by bringing the name of Islam to the political party. That are great opportunities because of the assumption that the majority of Moslems would vote for the Islamic party because Islamic party fighting for the benefit of Islam. However, history proves the Islamic party had never won in the general elections in Indonesia. Election of 1955 is regarded as the first democratic elections in Indonesia. It is fact. Although at that time the Moslems reach 90% of the total populations of Indonesia, the election results just put Islamic parties under nationalist party. The defeat of the Islamic party is caused by many things. Among these are the internal divisions in the Islamic party, is to promote party interests rather than Islam, and fierce resistance from nationalist and secular party.


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