Conservative Populism and the American Welfare State Since the 1960s

Author(s):  
Tamara Boussac
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Johannes Lindvall ◽  
David Rueda

This chapter examines the long-run relationship between public opinion, party politics, and the welfare state. It argues that when large parties receive a clear signal concerning the median voter’s position on the welfare state, vote-seeking motivations dominate and the large parties in the party system converge on the position of the median voter. When the position of the median voter is more difficult to discern, however, policy-seeking motivations dominate, and party positions diverge. This argument implies that the effects of government partisanship on welfare state policy are more ambiguous than generally understood. The countries covered in the chapter are Denmark, France, Germany, Norway and the United Kingdom (going back to the 1960s). The number of observations is (necessarily) limited, but the diverse cases illustrate a common electoral dynamic centered around the position of the median voter.


2021 ◽  
pp. 120633122110193
Author(s):  
Max Holleran

Brutalist architecture is an object of fascination on social media that has taken on new popularity in recent years. This article, drawing on 3,000 social media posts in Russian and English, argues that the buildings stand out for their arresting scale and their association with the expanding state in the 1960s and 1970s. In both North Atlantic and Eastern European contexts, the aesthetic was employed in publicly financed urban planning projects, creating imposing concrete structures for universities, libraries, and government offices. While some online social media users associate the style with the overreach of both socialist and capitalist governments, others are more nostalgic. They use Brutalist buildings as a means to start conversations about welfare state goals of social housing, free university, and other services. They also lament that many municipal governments no longer have the capacity or vision to take on large-scale projects of reworking the built environment to meet contemporary challenges.


Exchange ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 267-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
Huub Vogelaar

Abstract Finland is seen as a model country for ecumenism. For many years the country was almost monolithic Lutheran, but today Lutheranism is no longer a state religion. Yet, certain state-church structures still exist in this modern welfare state. Religiously Finland is characterized by strong secularization as well as by privatized faith. Since the 1960s minority churches came more to the forefront, in particular the Finnish Orthodox Church whose impact exceeds its small quantity. The Lutheran majority Church strongly facilitated the ecumenical dialogue with Eastern Orthodoxy, initially in international and later on in national perspective. In the article the development of this attractive discourse is highlighted. It became an appealing process of mutual learning between Eastern and Western Christianity.


1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoff Eley ◽  
Atina Grossmann

The three papers collected here present important arguments concerning the gendered context and content of the Weimar welfare state. They unsettle our abilityto judge the origins, the efficacy, and the abstract political value of the welfare state and its democratic claims; they have much to say about twentieth-century women's history and the coordinates of feminist politics in the period between the early 1900s and the 1960s; they have vital lessons for a politics of democratic citizenship; and they all demonstrate the payoff of taking gender seriously as a useful category of historical analysis. In fact, gender seems to have acquired particular salience, in especially public and visible ways, in the period dealt with by these papers.


2011 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Niels Asle Bergsgard

Artiklen belyser prioriteringen idrætten i den norske velfærdsstat i relation til Bourdieus kapital og velfærd og diskuterer idrættens autonomi.The modern welfare state in most western countries is characterised by a stepwise expansion of government responsibilities: from the basic tasks of the state like defence and policing, via core welfare state issues such as social security, to secondary welfare state issues like leisure policy. Starting out with a brief historical presentation, this article describes sport’s pendulum movement between the core and the periphery in the Norwegian welfare state. Further it is argued that sport was constituted as a distinct social field in a Bourdieuan sense in the 1960s and 70s. The article then analyses whether the specific logic of this field is adaptable to the ever- stronger presence of the welfare logic during the last decades, or if the welfare logic is a threat to the structure of the field of sport and hence to the relative autonomy of the voluntary organised sports movement. In addition it is discussed if the voluntary organised sports movement is now at a crossroads, either becoming a balancing item for the government with preserved autonomy, or an important tool in the government’s toolbox but with less autonomy. The consequence of the choices made will change the field of sport and hence the allocation of government funding to organised sport.


Author(s):  
George Peden

The chapter explores changing liberal attitudes to the welfare state. Hayek shared much common ground with Beveridge and Keynes in the 1940s, but saw postwar expansion of welfare services combined with inflationary full-employment policy as a threat to individual liberty. Other liberal economists thought Hayek exaggerated the threat, but were nevertheless critical of state monopoly in welfare provision and were keen to maintain the independence and individual responsibility of citizens. From the 1960s neoliberal ideas that had originally been conceived within the Liberal Party became associated with Conservatism and the New Right. The New Right had a considerable impact on housing policy and set an agenda for free-market alternatives in the provision of health and education services.


2021 ◽  
pp. 35-62
Author(s):  
Paul Watt

This chapter outlines and explains the expansion and contraction of London’s public housing from the late 19th century until the 2010s. It argues that public/council housing – the ‘wobbly pillar’ of the welfare state – has been privatised, demunicipalised and now demolished under regeneration (Chapter 3). Two broad historical periods are delineated: an expansionary period from 1900-80, followed by a contractionary period from the 1980s. This periodisation is theoretically located within the development of the Keynesian welfare state, followed by the latter’s unravelling due to forty years of neoliberalisation. The expansionary period entailed substantial housing decommodification whereby council housing became a significant feature of the metropolitan welfare state, much of which occurred under Labour local governments (e.g. London County Council). Renting from the council became a normalised part of working-class Londoners’ post-War housing experiences (Chapter 5). Such decommodification began to be undermined during the 1960s-70s under Conservative local governments. From 1979, neoliberal policies under Conservative and New Labour central governments – such as the Right-to-Buy, lack of new-building, and stock transfers to housing associations – have resulted in housing recommodification. New Labour’s Decent Homes Programme is assessed; despite some housing quality improvements, it proved to be slow and partial especially in London (Chapter 9).


1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mervat F. Hatem

In the late 1950s and the 1960s, an Egyptian welfare state was developed to provide the economic basis of a new social contract between the Nasser regime and its key class allies. Its main beneficiaries were the men and women of both the middle class and the labor aristocracy, who were to staff and run its expanding state sector. For Egyptian women, who were scorned by the pre-1952 states, the new welfare state offered explicit commitment to public equality for women. It contributed to the development of state feminism as a legal, economic, and ideological strategy to introduce changes to Egyptian society and its gender relations. In its own turn, state feminism contributed to the political legitimacy of Gamal Abdel Nasser's regime and its progressive credentials.


2011 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 795-810 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOCHEN CLASEN ◽  
ALEXANDER GOERNE

AbstractBetween 2003 and 2005, German labour market policy was subjected to the most far-reaching reform since the 1960s. Some commentators have interpreted the changes introduced as signalling a departure from the traditional ‘Bismarckian’ paradigm in German social policy. For others, the new legislation has contributed and consolidated an ever-more pervasive trend of dualisation within the German welfare state. In this article, we contest both interpretations. First, we demonstrate that traditional social insurance principles remain a dominant element within unemployment protection. Second, we show that German labour market policy is less rather than more segmented today than it was a decade ago.


2020 ◽  
pp. 146247452096493
Author(s):  
Esko Häkkinen

In contemporary research, Nordic countries are considered to have comparatively lenient penal policies, such as the restricted use of imprisonment. However, criminal justice in Finland during the early decades of its independence was exceptionally harsh. Due to its history, Finland is considered a difficult case for institutionalist theories that have related the Nordic welfare state model with lenient penal policy. This analysis argues that Finland’s development away from this severity was, in fact, caused by the shift of its social policy toward that of a (Nordic) welfare state in the 1940s, which is associated with the adoption of the model of democratic corporatism after decades of intense political conflict. The 1940s were a turning point when regulation of prison population sizes started to become an objective in legislation concerning the penal system. Meanwhile, independent of legislation, judges’ attitudes and sentencing practices began to relax. A generational replacement began among the criminal justice elite that manifested as generational disagreement in the 1950s, and by the 1970s, a reformist consensus was achieved.


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