From the Social Forums Period to the June Resistance: Tension Between Mass Mobilization and Political Strategy in Turkey

2017 ◽  
pp. 101-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mutlucan Şahan
Keyword(s):  
Political Strategy ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
The Social

scholarly journals NEW TRENDS IN THE AMERICAN CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT AT THE END OF THE 20th CENTURY: DISCUSSION ON SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ISSUES

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-312
Author(s):  
V.R. Zolotykh
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Conservative Movement ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
American Conservatism ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right ◽  
Contract With America ◽  
The Welfare State

The novelty of this research lies in its primary task: to study the adaptation process of American conservatism to a rapidly changing world. The article attempts to trace the formation process of a conservative socio-political strategy in the 1990s, through the analysis of 1) factors that influenced the strengthening of the consolidation of the conservative movement in the early 1990s, 2) the reaction of the Right to the implementation of the "Contract with America" in 1994, and 3) discussions that was unfolded between the leaders of the conservative movement during the election campaigns of 1992, 1996 and 2000. The analyzed material allows to conclude that 1990s became a period when a new kind of conservative model of social policy is taking shape as a real alternative to the social-liberal model. The new tendencies manifested in the conservative movement were incorporated into the conservative version of the “welfare state”. The scientific novelty of this work is also in the investigation of the social policy of conservatives alongside with the evolution of the conservative movement.

الشعب‎ يريد‎ اسقاط‎ النظام‎ “The People Want to Overthrow the Regime”

2019 ◽  
pp. 46-73
Author(s):  
Amy Austin Holmes
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The State ◽  
Breaking Point ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
Key Features ◽  
Security Organizations

This chapter analyzes the first wave of the revolution against Hosni Mubarak. Refuting arguments that focus on the role of the social media, or divisions among the elite, and the alleged neutrality of the Egyptian military, the chapter illustrates that it was a revolutionary coalition of the middle and lower classes that created a breaking point for the regime. Key features of this mass mobilization included the refusal of protesters to be cowed by state violence, the creation of “liberated zones” occupied by the people, “popular security” organizations that replaced the repressive security apparatus of the state, and strikes that crippled the economy in the final days of the Mubarak era. Key moments during the 18 days are described with ethnographic detail, including the unfiltered reactions of protesters to the deployment of soldiers on January 28. The revolutionary nature of the uprising is that people demanded more than just the ouster of Mubarak—they wanted to topple “the regime” by naming the names of a slew of Mubarak’s cronies to remove them from power.

Why Did It Go So High? Political Mobilization and Agricultural Collectivization in China

2006 ◽  
Vol 187 ◽  
pp. 732-742 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yu Liu
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Rural China ◽  
High Tide ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Five Factors ◽  
The Social ◽  
Basic Level

This paper tries to explain the relative lack of resistance during China's agricultural collectivization campaign, in contrast to the Soviet Union experience in which agricultural collectivization encountered much heavier social resistance. Five factors are analysed: the effects of the Land Reform; the innovative class system; the social control system; the basic-level Party apparatus; the legitimizing discourse. Analyses of these factors reveal that the High Tide in rural China was an organizational success: the organizers were dense, cohesive and efficient, the organized were divided, dependent and spatially paralysed, and the two were well connected through historical experiences and symbolic discourse, all of which point to the success of mass mobilization.

scholarly journals Evaluation of Quality in Computer Games

2006 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kjetil Sandvik
Keyword(s):  
Computer Games ◽  
Social Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Media ◽  
Game Industry ◽  
The Eu

Abstract Computer games play an important role in the cultural daily life of children, teenagers and adults. This has led to arguments both in the EU and the Nordic countries that computer games should be included in the culture political strategies for financial funding as well as the development of talents for the game industry. Still this has yet to result in culture political efforts and progressive strategies on a larger scale. On the contrary the political initiatives tend to result in restrictions more than efforts being made to encourage and develop the game industry. This article draws a picture of the current culture political situation and criticizes the media skeptical debate for making a poor starting point for formulating a progressive political strategy. It would be more fruitful to have a closer look at the specific characteristics of computer games and how computer games are being played and the role they are playing in the social life of different groups of player. The article outlines ananalytical apparatus for evaluation of quality in computer games.

scholarly journals Socio-economic inequality: essence, cyclicality of the dynamics

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (4) ◽  
pp. 41-55
Author(s):  
Vasylyna Podliesna ◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Inequality ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Economic Inequality ◽  
Average Level ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Economic Cycles ◽  
The Social ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
Four Horsemen ◽  
Xix Century

The article considers socio-economic inequality as a social phenomenon inherent in all historical forms of society, which is characterized by the exploitation of wide circles of population by the elite. It is generated by the basic economic law of each historical form of antagonistic society and is expressed in the periodic aggravation of class contradictions. The most important component of social inequality in capitalist society is economic inequality. There is a relationship between the economic growth and inequality of income that S. Kuznets was one of the first to prove. P. Sorokin, justifying the hypothesis of the cyclicality of fluctuations in the average level of welfare and income within a certain society, appealed to the existence of "small business cycles", and explained by the existence of Kondratiev waves the tendency towards the increase in the average level of income and welfare, manifested in the second half of XIX century in some countries. The author analyzes the close relationship between the dynamics of inequality and social processes, whose driving force is violence – "four horsemen of the equalization": the war with mass mobilization, the transformational revolution, the decay of the state and the lethal pandemic, – as established by W. Scheidel; it is the "four horsemen of the equalization" that reduce the gap between rich and poor, that is, the social inequality is temporarily smoothed destructively. It has been established that during large-scale wars, revolutions, the destruction of states there is a permission of cyclically exacerbating contradictions of social development, which generate the deployment of long-term socio-economic cycles (cycles of changing the forms of society; hegemony establishment cycles in the world-system, long political cycles, Kondratiev waves, etc.). Therefore, the changes in the levels of socio-economic inequality generated by these "horsemen of the equalization" are also cyclic.

Authoritarian Liberalism in Late Weimar

2021 ◽  
pp. 25-43
Author(s):  
Michael A. Wilkinson
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Weimar Republic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Sector ◽  
Nazi Party ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Economic Liberalism ◽  
The Social

<Online Only>This chapter examines the interwar breakdown of liberal democracy in the Weimar Republic. Hermann Heller used the term authoritarian liberalism to capture the conjunction of political authoritarianism and economic liberalism ruling late Weimar. This regime attempted to depoliticize conflict, specifically in the economic sector, which had been threatening the interests of capital. It was ‘tolerated’ by the social democrats, who gradually abandoned democratic projects over the course of the 1920s, leaving behind not only radical options such as democratization of the economy, but also the parliamentary institutions of the Weimar Republic. The chapter concludes by examining how the seizure of power by the Nazi party, although marking a break, in the sense of heralding a regime based on mass mobilization, national redemption, and a cult of violence, continued the trajectory of depoliticization, signalling the ‘end of the political’.</Online Only>

No Escape from the Long-term Crisis? The Social Democrats' Failure to Devise a Promising Political Strategy

2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoph Egle
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Concept ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
Left Party ◽  
Agenda 2010 ◽  
Party Behavior ◽  
Government Coalition

The result of the 2005 Bundestag election provoked difficult questions concerning the political positioning of the SPD. Should the Social Democrats negate the Schröder government's Agenda 2010 reforms in order to regain voters from the Left and envisage a government coalition with the Left Party, even though this party has been portrayed as "unfit to govern"? Or should the SPD stick to the center, at the risk of losing even more voters to its leftist competitor? Based on a theoretical concept of different party goals (vote, office, policy, and democracy-seeking) and strategic party behavior, this article explains why the SPD did not succeed in establishing a promising strategy with regard to these questions. This failure is caused mainly by the party's internal divisions and its severe leadership problems. In addition, the structure of German party competition and the institutions of federalism make it even more difficult to handle these problems with success.

Alfonso López Pumarejo and Liberal Radicalism in 1930s Colombia

1995 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 367-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Stoller
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Party System ◽  
Social Dynamics ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
The Social

AbstractThis article locates the first regime of Alfonso López Pumarejo (the Revolutión en marcha, 1934–8) within the social dynamics of Colombia's polarised party system, rather than the developmentalist and class dynamics that are frequently invoked. López's economic and political thought is shown to be far closer to the partisan and antistatist traditions of Colombian liberalism than is often assumed, and his rise to power is depicted as a victory of political strategy rather than class alliances. After surveying the role of the Acción Liberal group of intellectuals in the radicalisation of Liberal discourse, culminating in the constitutional reform of 1936, the article offers hypotheses about the transitory nature of López-era Liberal radicalism.

scholarly journals Redresser les torts : l’abolitionnisme et le contrôle de la criminalité

Criminologie ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Willem de Haan
Keyword(s):  
Justice System ◽  
Crime Control ◽  
Theoretical Perspective ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Social Responses ◽  
Crime And Punishment ◽  
Uniform State ◽  
Penal Reform ◽  
Radical Critique ◽  
The Social

In this article 'abolitionism' will be discussed as a social movement, a theoretical perspective, and a political strategy. Strategies for penal reform will be dealt with and the implications of the abolitionist perspective for crime control will be discussed. As a theoretical perspective, abolitionism takes on the twofold task of providing a radical critique of the criminal justice system while showing that there are other, more rational ways of dealing with crime. It will be argued that what is needed is a wide variety o social responses rather than a uniform state reaction to the problem of crime. Therefore, a reconceptualization of the notions of crime and punishment is offered in the form of the concept of redress. In policy terms it is claimed that social policy instead of crime policy is needed in dealing with the social problems and conflicts that are currently singled as the problem of crime.

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