No Escape from the Long-term Crisis? The Social Democrats' Failure to Devise a Promising Political Strategy

2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoph Egle

The result of the 2005 Bundestag election provoked difficult questions concerning the political positioning of the SPD. Should the Social Democrats negate the Schröder government's Agenda 2010 reforms in order to regain voters from the Left and envisage a government coalition with the Left Party, even though this party has been portrayed as "unfit to govern"? Or should the SPD stick to the center, at the risk of losing even more voters to its leftist competitor? Based on a theoretical concept of different party goals (vote, office, policy, and democracy-seeking) and strategic party behavior, this article explains why the SPD did not succeed in establishing a promising strategy with regard to these questions. This failure is caused mainly by the party's internal divisions and its severe leadership problems. In addition, the structure of German party competition and the institutions of federalism make it even more difficult to handle these problems with success.

Subject Kyrgyzstan's constitutional referendum. Significance Now that President Almazbek Atambayev has secured the constitutional changes he wanted, it is unclear how he benefits. The December 11 referendum was a success in its own terms despite the dearth of public understanding of the issues, but was accompanied by an acrimonious divorce between the ruling Social Democratic Party and its long-term coalition partner, Ata-Meken. Impacts A weaker government and divided parliament will struggle to focus on chronic and serious economic problems. The Social Democrats are in a stronger position nationwide thanks to their strong showing in simultaneous local elections. Kyrgyz nationalist and conservative groups will feel emboldened as some of the amendments are seen as concessions to them.


1981 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
John D. Stephens

This article attempts to assess the contribution of long-term changes in Swedish social structure to three recent developments in Swedish electoral behavior: the decline of the Social Democrats, the decline in class voting, and the increase in the volatility of party preference. The author argues that the decline of the Social Democrats cannot be attributed to long-term structural changes in the electorate but rather is a product of the policies and electoral strategies pursued by the parties. The decline in class voting is found to be partly attributable to long-term structural change. Original secondary analysis of survey data is then presented to show that the socioeconomic composition of individuals' places of residence affects their voting behavior independent of individual-level characteristics. The author then argues that the parties' policies and electoral strategies have reinforced the tendency toward decreasing class voting. Finally, both long-term structural changes and the decline in class voting itself appear to have caused the increase in the volatility of party choice.


2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-284
Author(s):  
Lothar Probst

The state election in Bremen in 2019 was marked by a head-to-head race between SPD and CDU and ended up with a considerably increased turnout and a historical result . The Christian Democrats managed to beat the Social Democrats for the first time in Bremen’s postwar history . The Greens achieved their second-best outcome in a Bremen state election and had the choice between a so-called Jamaica coalition or a left coalition . Whereas the pragmatic oriented Left Party succeeded to accomplish a two-digit result of 11 .3 percent, the Liberals and the Alternative of Germany underperformed with an outcome of about six percent of the votes . After a round of exploratory negotiations between Christian Democrats, Greens, and Liberals on the one hand and between Social Democrats, Greens, and The Left on the other hand, the rank and file of the Green Party decided to hold coalition talks with Social Democrats and the Left Party . Once the red-green-red coalition was built, the Senate’s president and SPD front-runner, Carsten Sieling, resigned . Instead, Andreas Bovenschulte became the Senate’s new president . Bovenschulte is a former chairman of Bremen’s Social Democrats and had already been elected to lead the SPD parliamentary party .


2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-75
Author(s):  
Rolf Steltemeier

After the first Bundestag elections in 1949, the Free Democratic Party (FDP) established itself as kingmaker either of the Christian Democrats or the Social Democrats. The entrance of the Green Party into the German Bundestag in 1983 brought about a significant change in the German political landscape, which challenged the German Liberals to redefine themselves. At present, it seems that the FDP is on its way back into the federal government after ten years of opposition, although "neoliberal" ideology is currently facing a severe international crisis. This constitutes a puzzling issue for political scientists, which is addressed in this article by analyzing the factors that can explain the German Liberal's latest success. Furthermore, the FDP's chances in comparison to the other two small parties (Left Party and Greens) are discussed. Finally, attention is focused on the characteristics of the FDP's election campaign and its coalition options for 2009 and beyond.


1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 413-416
Author(s):  
Paul Knaplund

The Labor party of Norway, organized in January, 1927, as a result of a fusion of the Social Democrats with the former Labor party, made sweeping gains in the elections to the Storting in October last and established itself as the strongest party in the country. Gains were made also by the conservative Agrarian, or Farmer's, party; while the old Conservative party suffered heavy losses; and, in proportion to its strength, the losses of the Communists were even greater. The Radical, or Left, party, which has steadily lost ground since the war, experienced a further decline.The following tables show the votes polled by the leading parties in the elections of 1927 and 1924, and the number of their representatives in the Storting after these elections:


2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (136) ◽  
pp. 477-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Heinrich

With the so called Hartz IV law an eminent transformation of german unemployment support is going on. A significant re-distribution from bottom to top, the impoverishment of those who are for a longer time unemployed and because the unemployed are forced to accept any job an important change in the position of the trade unions will take place. As a consequence the Social Democrats loss dramatically support among the voters.


2013 ◽  
Vol 05 (03) ◽  
pp. 76-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Fuh-sheng HSIEH

The 2012 elections in Japan, Taiwan and South Korea exhibit both long-term trends and short-term variations in each country's political landscape. All three societies are moving towards two-party competition lately, thanks mostly to the mixed-member majoritarian system adopted for legislative elections, despite the social cleavages that provide, to varying degrees, niches for small parties. The cleavage structure coupled with the electoral system largely explains the changing political landscape in these societies.


2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 76-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dan Hough ◽  
Michael Koß

Despite its recent electoral successes, the Left Party's position in the German party system is more fragile that it may at first appear. The Left Party gained support in 2005 largely on account of dissatisfaction with other parties and not because masses of voters were flocking to its (nominally socialist) cause. Not even a majority from within its own supporter base thought it possessed "significant problem solving competences." Rather, much of the Left Party's political discourse is based on negative dismissals of much that it sees—in policy terms—before it. We discuss the Left Party's political development through the prism of populist politics. After outlining what we understand populism to mean, we analyze the Left Party's programmatic stances and political strategy within the context of this framework. Although populism is certainly not the sole preserve of the Left Party, it clearly excels in using populist tools to make political headway. We conclude by discussing the ramifications that this has for German party politics in general and for the Social Democratic Party in particular.


Subject The challenge to Slovenia's privatisation programme. Significance Slovenia's privatisation programme faces a new challenge with the emergence of an open rift between the ruling Modern Centre Party (SMC) and one of its coalition partners, the Social Democrats (SD), over the behaviour of Defence Minister Janki Veber. The first casualty will be Telekom Slovenije, whose sale will inevitably be postponed. The wider privatisation programme is also at risk from persistent public hostility to the sale of strategic assets. Impacts The latest rift will weaken government stability and could cause it to collapse. The open display of dissent over privatisation will both deter strategic investors and complicate further sales of state-owned assets. Failure to deliver on the privatisation programme poses a risk to Slovenia's economic stability and long-term growth prospects.


Subject Romanian government policy in a slowing economy. Significance Economic developments have allowed the senior coalition party, the Social Democrats, to claim a measure of success in the last few years, despite acute cabinet instability and controversial judicial reforms. However, growth is widely expected to slow in 2019. Despite upbeat projections in the budget, passed belatedly and in the face of presidential opposition in mid-March, the government is struggling to fund ambitious wage increases, as the budget deficit comes perilously close to breaching EU limits. Impacts The banking and energy sectors are bearing the brunt of interventionist policies. Legal instability could damage investment. Long-term underinvestment in infrastructure and lack of institutional modernisation will become more evident and difficult to tolerate.


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