The Social Virtues of Christian Democracy, European and Polish: The Case of Jan Kułakowski

Author(s):  
Leszek Jesień
1947 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luigi Sturzo

An historical experiment, begun almost a hundred years ago, is, in various phases and crises of development, emerging from die war. It must be based on its own specific theory, or, to put it more correctly, on its own specific philosophy.To avoid ambiguity, let us agree to align the historical outlines of Christian Democracy with the two tendencies which developed among European Catholics in die post-Napoleonic period: first, the political tendency in favor of a constitutional system based on political liberty; second, the social tendency toward the moral, economic and political rehabilitation of the working classes.


2020 ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
Olivier Roy

This chapter focuses on the Catholic Church's transition to modernity, which did not initially occur by way of theological reform. It came about through pastoral and missionary praxis as well as the rise in power of lay Christian actors: between two popes known for their intransigence, Pope Leo XIII, without compromising on any religious dogma, opened the way for the Church to engage with secular politics. Moreover, Pope Leo XIII took into account the ‘social question’, acknowledging that people were no longer living in a traditional society. The issue was no longer to bring the faithful back to church. The Church now had to reach out to secular society, which meant organizing open, socially oriented pastoral work and using secular political instruments—in other words what was to become Christian democracy—which no longer required religious observance but simple adherence to secularized Christian values. Ultimately, for global Catholicism, the Second Vatican Council (1962–65) hailed the adaptation of theology and ritual to modernism, ending a decades-long fight. Some have described it as a Protestant approach, or a Catholic version of the self-secularization of religion.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
André Walter

Abstract Despite the importance of Christian democracy for economic and social policies throughout the 20th century, we know very little about the incorporation of labor interests into Catholic parties. Existing accounts claim that the formation of Catholic worker organizations is rooted in the process of industrialization and reforms of Catholic social teachings. In contrast, I argue that the integration of the workers’ wing was dependent on the position of farmers’ and business associations within Catholic parties and the integrative capacities of local religious institutions. The migration of Catholics from peripheral to industrialized areas put pressure on Catholic elites in urban centers to integrate workers via class-based associations. In contrast, entrenched interest groups of farmers and businesses, as well as clerical associations, fend off the creation of workers’ associations in rural regions in which industrialization took place. My argument is supported by newly collected district-level and survey data.


2013 ◽  
pp. 37-67
Author(s):  
Maurizio Ridolfi

A sharp contrast between left and right arose in Italy especially after World War Two, as a legacy of the conflict between fascism and anti-fascism, which had developed between the two wars. However, at this cleavage was added the majority and hegemonic centre pole represented by Christian Democracy (both anti-fascist than anti-communist), which would make more mobile the identity boundaries and more marked the dissonances between the reality of political-administrative life and the self-representation of left and right widespread cultures. A history of politics truly attentive to the social and cultural factors, contribute to overcome the dissociations between a limited political representation of an ungraspable right and the wider circulation of languages and images of identity (in the moderate and populist press, in the youth field, in the silent majority).


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 238
Author(s):  
Yomara Feitosa Caetano de Oliveira Fagionato

O propósito desse artigo é perceber as representações e apropriações realizadas pela equipe pedagógica e por Maria Nilde Mascellani em relação ao catolicismo social paulista, no início da implantação do Serviço de Ensino Vocacional (SEV). Os ginásios e colégios vocacionais foram instalados na gestão de Carlos Alberto Alves de Carvalho Pinto (1959-1962). Em 1961, a atuação do secretário de educação, Luciano de Vasconcelos de Carvalho, filiado ao Partido Democrata Cristão (PDC) se aproximou desse governo com a intenção de promover a democracia cristã na área educacional, e logo constituiu uma comissão com objetivo de criar uma nova escola secundária. A democracia cristã integrou a nova ordem social, política e econômica, e assim uma forma de catolicismo se aproximou dos governos e partidos políticos. Essa forma política foi alimentada pelo movimento do catolicismo social, por meio das ideias em circulação de pensadores católicos franceses, tais como: Louis-Joseph Lebret, Jacques Maritain e Emmanuel Mounier. Esse movimento católico divulgou um pensamento que se apresentava como uma forma de agir/pensar com criticidade em relação às mazelas brasileiras e desigualdades sociais. Para tanto, enfoco uma história dos usos e das interpretações, na perspectiva de Roger Chartier (1988), e tenho como fontes as memórias desta educadora em cruzamento com documentos manuscritos e impressos, emitidos pelo SEV, dissertações, teses e bibliografias.Palavras-chave: Democracia Cristã. Catolicismo Social Paulista. Serviço de Ensino Vocacional. Maria Nilde Mascellani and the Social Catholicism in Vocational (São Paulo, 1960)ABSTRACTThe purpose of this article is to perceive the representations and appropriations carried out by the pedagogical team and by Maria Nilde Mascellani in relation to the social Catholicism of São Paulo, at the beginning of the implementation of the Vocational Education Service (SEV). The vocational secondary education was deployed during the government of Carlos Alberto Alves de Carvalho Pinto (1959-1962). In 1961, the performance of the Secretary of Education, Luciano de Vasconcelos de Carvalho, affiliated with the Christian Democratic Party (Partido Democrata Cristão - PDC) approached this government with the intent to promote Christian democracy in the educational area, and then constituted a commission with the objective of raising a new secondary education. Christian democracy integrated the new social, political and economic order, relating a type of Catholicism to governments and political parties. This political form was fed by the movement of social Catholicism, through the ideas in circulation of French Catholic thinkers, such as: Louis-Joseph Lebret, Jacques Maritain and Emmanuel Mounier. This Catholic movement disseminated a type of thought as a way of acting / thinking with criticality the Brazilian misfortunes and social inequalities. Therefore, it focuses on a history of uses and interpretations, in the perspective of Roger Chartier (1988), and I have as sources the memories of this educator in intersected with handwritten and printed documents emitted by the SEV, dissertations, theses and bibliographies.Keywords: Christian Democracy. Social Catholicism of São Paulo. Vocational Eucation Service. Maria Nilde Mascellani y el Catolicismo Social en Vocacional (São Paulo, 1960)RESUMENEl propósito de este artículo es percibir las representaciones y apropiaciones realizadas por el equipo pedagógico y por María Nilde Mascellani en relación al catolicismo social paulista, al inicio de la implantación del Servicio de Enseñanza Vocacional (SEV). Los gimnasios y colegios vocacionales fueron instalados en la gestión de Carlos Alberto Alves de Carvalho Pinto (1959-1962). En 1961, la actuación del secretario de educación, Luciano de Vasconcelos de Carvalho, afiliado al Partido Demócrata Cristiano (PDC) se acercó a este gobierno con la intención de promover la democracia cristiana en el área educativa, y luego constituyó una comisión con el objetivo de crear una “ nueva escuela secundaria. La democracia cristiana integró el nuevo orden social, político y económico, relacionando un tipo de catolicismo a los gobiernos y partidos políticos. Esta forma política fue alimentada por el movimiento del catolicismo social, por medio de las ideas en circulación de pensadores católicos franceses, tales como: Louis-Joseph Lebret, Jacques Maritain y Emmanuel Mounier. Este movimiento católico divulgó un tipo de pensamiento como una forma de actuar / pensar con criticidad en relación a las molestias brasileñas y desigualdades sociales. Para ello, enfoco una historia de los usos y de las interpretaciones, en la perspectiva de Roger Chartier (1988), y tengo como fuentes las memorias de esta educadora en cruzamiento con documentos manuscritos e impresos, emitidos por el SEV, disertaciones, tesis y bibliografías.Palabras clave: Democracia Cristiana. Catolicismo Social Paulista. Servicio de Enseñanza Vocacional.


1999 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-147
Author(s):  
Bruno Dummons

Jean-Marie Mayeur, La question laïque (XIXe–XXe siècle) (Paris: Fayard, 1997), 239 pp., 95 FF. IBSN 2–213–60013–9.Etienne Fouilloux, Les chrétiens français entre crise et libération (1937–1947) (Paris: Seuil, 1997), 293 pp, 130 FF. ISBN 2–020–28131–7.Stathis N. Kalyvas, The Rise of Christian Democracy in Europe (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1996), 300 pp., £15.95. ISBN 0–8014–8320–4.Emiel Lamberts, ed., Christian Democracy in the European Union (1945–1995) (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1997), 511 pp. ISBN 9–061–86808–4.‘Christians and political life’ (taking the latter term in its widest sense) is a theme which continues to attract a great deal of interest among contemporary historians, in terms of both detailed research and broader surveys. René Rémond and Aline Coutrot demonstrated the interconnectedness of the two domains of religion and politics when they abandoned the restricted subject of relations between states and the Roman Catholic church and initiated the study of religion as an integral part of history, and the social sciences, as a whole. Approaches since 1966 have been greatly modified, as shown by the treatment of the material in the four works now to be reviewed.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


2018 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Hirshleifer ◽  
Siew Hong Teoh

AbstractEvolved dispositions influence, but do not determine, how people think about economic problems. The evolutionary cognitive approach offers important insights but underweights the social transmission of ideas as a level of explanation. The need for asocialexplanation for the evolution of economic attitudes is evidenced, for example, by immense variations in folk-economic beliefs over time and across individuals.


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