Brazilian criminal organizations as transnational violent non-state actors: a case study of the Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC)

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 148-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcos Alan S. V. Ferreira
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-369
Author(s):  
David Romano

The analysis presented here offers a possible framework for understanding when sub-state actors behave prudently and more strategically in their foreign relations, and when other priorities might instead heighten the chances of seemingly irrational, erratic, or dangerous, foreign policies. Using a case study of the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq to illustrate the argument, the author attempts to show how “regime consolidation” plays a key role in allowing such actors to prioritise policies aimed at grappling with external challenges, threats and opportunities. Internally legitimate, consolidated regimes can better present “one face” to the outside world and behave more strategically in the international arena.  Political systems lacking consolidation or internal legitimacy, in contrast, turn to the external environment in search of resources to help them with domestic threats and challenges. This may lead to seemingly erratic, unpredictable and risky foreign policies on their part. Abstract in Kurmanji Aktorên bin-dewletî û girtina rîskên siyaseta derve: Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê Analîza ku li vir hatiye pêşkêşkirin çarçoveyeke muhtemel ji bo fehmkirina demên ku aktorên bin-dewletî di têkiliyên xwe yên derve de bi hişyarî û stratejîk tevdigerin û demên di dewsê de pêşkiyên din şansên siyaseta derve yên xeternak, guherbar û îrrasyonel didine ber xwe. Bi bikaranîna mînaka Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê nivîskar hewl dide ku nîşan bide ka çawa “xurtkirina rejîmê” roleke serekî dilîze di destûrdana van aktoran de ku pêşekiyê bidin polîtîkayên ku bi dijwarî, tehdît û talûkeyên derve bigre. Rejîmên di hundir de meşrû û xurt dikarin baştir “rûyekî” nîşanê cîhana derve bidin û di qada navneteweyî de bêhtir stratejîk tevbigerin. Lê belê sîstemên siyasî yên ne xurt û di hundir de ne meşrû jî berê xwe didin derdora derve di lêgerîna çavkaniyan de da ku alîkariya wan bikin ji bo talûke û zehmetiyên hundirîn. Ev dikare bibe sedem ku ew polîtîkayên derveyî yên birîsk, netexmînbar û hevnegir ên berçav bigrin ji aliyê xwe ve. Abstract in Sorani Ektere dewllete lawekeyyekan û xoleqerey metrisî danî syasetî derewe: hkumetî herêmî kurdistanî ‘êrraq Ew şîkaryaney lêreda amadekrawn , çwarçêweyekî guncaw pêşkeş dekat bo têgeyiştin lewey le katêkda ektere dewllete lawekîyekan beşêweyekî wiryayane û sitratîjyanetir le peywendîyekanî derewey xoyanda hellsukewt deken, we katêkîş ewlewîyetekanî tir renge şansî ewey le rukeşda wek syasetî derekî na'eqllanî, namo, yan trisnak derdekewêt berizbkatewe. Hkumetî herêmî kurdistanî 'êraq wek keysî twêjînewe bekarhatuwe bo rûnkirdnewey ew argumêntey ke nûser hewll dedat nîşanî bdat çon “ptewkirdnî rjêm” rollêkî serekî debînêt le rêgedan bew core ekterane bo ewey ew syasetane bkate ewlewîyet ke amanc lêy berberekanêy allingarîy û hereşe û derfete drekîyekane. Ew rjêmaney ke şer'îyetî nawxoyyan heye û çespawn baştir detwanin “yek rûîy” pîşanî dinyay derewe bken û le meydanî nêwdewlletîşda sitratîjyanetir hellsukewt bken. Bepêçewanewe, ew sîsteme syasyaney ke neçespawn û şer'îyetî nawxoyyan kurtidênêt, le gerran bedway serçawekanda rû le jîngey derekî deken bo ewey yarmetîyan bda le herreşe û allingarîye nawxoyyekan. Eme lewaneye wabkat ke ew syasete derekîyaney ke be namo, pêşbînî nekraw û metrisîdar derdekewn le terefî ewanewe bêt. Abstract in Zazaki Faîlê bindewletkî û rîskgêrîya sîyasetê teberî: Hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî   No analîzê tîyayî seba fehmkerdişê wextê ke faîlê bindewletkîyî têkilîyanê xo yê teberî de bitedbîr û hîna zaf stratejîk hereket kenê û wexto ke herinda ci de prîorîteyê bînî asayîş ra gore îhtîmalê polîtîkayanê teberî yê bêmantiq, bêqerar yan zî xeternakan kenê zêde, ci rê çarçewayêka potansîyele pêşkêş keno. Bi xebata nimûneyî yê Hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî no arguman nîşan dîyeno. Nuştox wazeno bimusno ke “konsolîdasyonê rejîmî” senî rolêko sereke gêno ke tede kerdoxanê winasîyan rê destûr dîyeno ke polîtîkayanê xo yê çareserkerdişê zehmetî, tehdîd û îmkananê teberî prîorîtîze bikerê. Eke zere de meşrû yê, rejîmê kondolîdekerdeyî eşkenê xo bi “yew rî” teber rê bimusnê û sahneya mîyanneteweyîye de hîna zaf stratejîk hereket bikerê. Heto bîn ra, sîstemê sîyasîyî ke tede konsolîdasyon yan zî meşrûîyetê zereyî çin ê, ê xo çarnenê dorûverê xo yê teberî ke seba helkerdişê tehdîd û zehmetîyanê zereyî ro çimeyan bigêre. No seba înan beno ke bibo sebebê polîtîkayanê teberî yê bêqerar, nevervînbar û rîzîkodaran.


2002 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-311 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cindy T. Cooper ◽  
Christopher Mele

In this article, we generate a “middle–ground” perspective to interrogate the range of interactions between political economic processes and everyday practices in the study of urban redevelopment. Focusing on the contested redevelopment of residential, commercial, and public spaces in the Spandauer Vorstadt neighborhood of Berlin, we examine how institutions and individuals incorporated certain local everyday practices and behaviors into renewal agendas. Such processes of incorporation were neither uniform nor homogeneous but disputed; state actors, planners, and developers, as well as residents, focused on certain existing neighborhood practices (and ignored others) in an effort to manage and control the course of neighborhood redevelopment. Conversely, everyday practices influenced redevelopment processes in ways often not intended by residents or other stakeholders. Finally, while our findings pertain to the case study of Berlin, we suggest that similar processes are at work in other cases of urban redevelopment in Western cities.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 920-943 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naghmeh Nasiritousi ◽  
Mattias Hjerpe ◽  
Karin Bäckstrand

The participation of non-state actors in multilateral institutions is often portrayed as one way of decreasing the perceived legitimacy deficit in global governance. The literature on non-state actors has identified several ways in which these actors can enhance the legitimacy of intergovernmental organisations and global governance arrangements. Three partially competing normative arguments, or rationales, for the inclusion of non-state actors in international policymaking — functionalism, neocorporatism and democratic pluralism — have been identified. Whereas functionalism highlights the contribution of non-state actors to output legitimacy in terms of expertise, neocorporatism emphasises the inclusion of affected interests, and democratic pluralism claims that non-state actors increase input legitimacy through procedural values. These three normative arguments thus offer different understandings of the motives for the inclusion and representation of non-state actors in international negotiations and diplomacy. Through a single case study of United Nations climate diplomacy, we analyse the extent to which the three rationales for non-state actor inclusion are found in views held by state and non-state actors participating in the annual United Nations climate change conferences. Our results show that different actor groups place varying degrees of emphasis on the different rationales for non-state actor inclusion, even though the neocorporatist rationale remains most favoured overall. We discuss the implications of our findings for the democratic legitimacy of increasing participation of non-state actors in intergovernmental affairs and recent trends in the participation of non-state actors in the international climate change policymaking process.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 153
Author(s):  
Felix Chukwudi Oparah ◽  
Enya Ndem Bassey ◽  
Ohatu Ekoh Ohatu

This study examined the role of Non State Actors (NSAs) in strengthening the developmental capacity of the state, using a case study of Cross River State, Nigeria. Primary and secondary data on selected constituents of NSAs including Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs), Privately Owned Companies, Banks, Private Hospitals and Private Schools were analyzed using tables and charts. The results revealed that activities of NSAs significantly enhance the developmental capacity of Cross River State especially in the areas of provision of public services, knowledge and skill acquisition, infrastructural development and employment generation. Besides other recommendations, it was recommended that NSAs and the government should perform complementary roles in enhancing developmental capacity and that the establishment of more NSAs in the rural areas should be encouraged through the provision of special funding and other incentives for NSAs that have their offices in the rural areas.


2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 579-587 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karima Bennoune

AbstractThis article analyses Jane Doe v. Islamic Salvation Front et al., an Alien Tort Claims Act (ATCA) case brought in the United States by the late Rhonda Copelon, a leading feminist international lawyer. Bennoune explores the experiences of the Jane Doe plaintiffs, exposing the limited legal avenues that were available to them at the time. She finds that Copelon's creative ATCA litigation strategy embodied a symbolic, feminist act in the paradoxical quest for justice, armed with the knowledge that it would likely become a losing battle. The article ultimately shows that the ACTA litigation, even if unsuccessful in the end, recognised that non-state actors can harm human rights, and provided a powerful avenue for expressing plaintiffs' grievances when no other court would hear them.


IMP Journal ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 296-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tommy Shih ◽  
Åse Linné

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore how state actors mobilise resources in business networks to facilitate innovation. Design/methodology/approach – A single case study method is used. The case from the Chinese biotechnology sector illustrates how state actors mobilise resources in a network context in order to develop, produce and use a vaccine. Findings – The case findings demonstrate that state actors indirectly, as well as actively, are involved in the whole innovation process by mobilising resources necessary for the development, production and use of the vaccine. State actors influence other actors, both political and business, and provide resources in order to facilitate innovation. Practical implications – The paper illustrates that state actors, in the specific case, play an important and active role throughout the whole innovation process. This opens up the issue of the possible extended role of state actors in innovation. Originality/value – Over the past decades, Chinese state actors have played an active role in the business landscape. This paper explores state actors’ influence on the innovation process on the network level.


2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 100-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vidal Romero ◽  
Beatriz Magaloni ◽  
Alberto Díaz-Cayeros

AbstractTo fight criminal organizations effectively, governments require support from significant segments of society. Citizen support provides important leverage for executives, allowing them to continue their policies. Yet winning citizens' hearts and minds is not easy. Public security is a deeply complex issue. Responsibility is shared among different levels of government; information is highly mediated by mass media and individual acquaintances; and security has a strong effect on peoples' emotions, since it threatens to affect their most valuable assets—life and property. How do citizens translate their assessments of public security into presidential approval? To answer this question, this study develops explicit theoretical insights into the conditions under which different dimensions of public security affect presidential approval. The arguments are tested using Mexico as a case study.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-37
Author(s):  
Nur Hidayat Sardini

Moral and political are two things that cannot be separated. The marriage of a regent in Garut regency, Indonesia, with an underage girl eventually leads to community action, where people demand the regent to resign from his position as a regional head. It was not even four days of marriage the regent had divorced his young wife via a short message from his own mobile phone. Therefore, the people of Garut suddenly expressed their wrath through a large-scale demonstration which pushedthe Local House of Representative immediately to process the regent’s removal. This research utilized a qualitative approach with a case-study method, the data in this research relied on the practice of in-depth interviews, observations, and documentaries. This research succeeded to observe that the general factor which underlying the action of demonstration in Garut which demanded the resignation of the regent was caused by the political climate change of democratization in the national level which also impacted Garut Regency. The national politicalclimate change increased the unconventional public participation in Garut and provided political sphere for non-state actors to establish political-involvement balance between state actors and non-state actors themselves. In other hand, the specific underlying factor on this case is the regent’s behavior which was judged as the act of dishonorable humiliation on women’s dignity, especially his speech in some national television channels. The power of this study lies on its novelty, filling in lubrication and study originality, towards the moral and ethical behavior as the new object on Social Movement.   


Author(s):  
Roberts Ivor

This chapter examines both non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and violent non-state actors (VNSAs). NGOs come in many shapes and sizes. Many have a charitable base and some will have humanitarian or human rights objectives; others focus on sustainable development and aid. Often their concern will be a single issue. Their objectives are focused and invariably single-minded, less able or willing to take into account other aspects. As a result, their relationship with governments, although sometimes harmonious, may be one of tension and occasionally confrontation. VNSAs, meanwhile, represent other categories of non-state actors whose activities are at the opposite pole to those whose benign activity has been described above and where states have lost their monopoly. Their categories number warlords, militias, insurgencies, and criminal organizations, including pirates and people traffickers.


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