Petrographic analysis of Contact Period Native American pottery from Fort Hill (27CH85), Hinsdale, NH, USA

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 517-532
Author(s):  
Matthew T. Boulanger ◽  
David V. Hill
Sederi ◽  
2009 ◽  
pp. 25-45
Author(s):  
Mª Carmen Gomez Galisteo

Most observers of Native Americans during the contact period between Europe and the Americas represented Native American women as monstrous beings posing potential threats to the Europeans’ physical integrity. However, the most well known portrait of Native American women is John Smith’s description of Pocahontas, the Native American princess who, the legend goes, saved Smith from being executed. Transformed into a children’s tale, further popularized by the Disney movie, as well as being the object of innumerable historical studies questioning or asserting the veracity of Smith’s claims, the fact remains that the Smith-Pocahontas story is at the very core of North American culture. Nevertheless, far from being original, John Smith’s story had a precedent in the story of Spaniard Juan Ortiz, a member of the ill-fated Narváez expedition to Florida in 1527. Ortiz, who got lost in America and spent the rest of his life there, was also rescued by a Native American princess from being sacrificed in the course of a Native American ritual, as recounted by the Gentleman of Elvas, member of the Hernando de Soto expedition. Yet another vision of Native American women is that offered by Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca, another participant of the Narváez expedition who, during almost a decade in the Americas fulfilled a number of roles among the Native Americans, including some that were regarded as female roles. These female roles provided him with an opportunity to avert captivity as well as a better understanding of gender roles within Native American civilization. This essay explores the description of Native American women posed by John Smith, Juan Ortiz and Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca so as to illustrate different images of Native American women during the early contact period as conveyed by these works.


2020 ◽  
Vol 85 (2) ◽  
pp. 305-330
Author(s):  
Thomas R. Whyte ◽  
J. Matthew Compton

Toad bones, sometimes occurring in great numbers in pit features and other contexts in Native American village and mound sites in the Appalachian Summit, have been interpreted as evidence that toads were consumed, used for their purportedly hallucinogenic toad venom, placed as ritual deposits, or naturally entrapped/intrusive. A paucity or lack of bones of the head in some contexts is suggestive of decapitation and consumption of toads. Alternatively, bones of the head may be less preservable, recoverable, or identifiable. This study examines toad remains on Appalachian Summit late precontact and contact period sites, reviews previous experimentation, and presents a new experimental study undertaken to identify agencies of accumulation. We propose that toads were regularly consumed and possibly as part of ritualized events associated with village and mound construction. The temporal and geographic restriction of this practice to the Pisgah and Qualla phases of the Appalachian Summit suggests subsistence ethnicity as alluded to in historical accounts.


2010 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 387-407 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric E. Jones

Much of the discussion about North American precontact and contact-period populations has focused on continent-wide estimates. Although the associated work has produced valuable information on the demographic and cultural history of the continent, it has failed to generate agreed-upon estimates, population trends, or detailed demographic knowledge of Native American cultures. Using archaeological settlement remains and methods developed in recent research on Iroquoian cultures, this study estimates and examines population trends for the Onondaga and Oneida cultures of the Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) from A.D. 1500 to 1700. Onondaga population appears to have increased until the mid—seventeenth century, when drastic declines in settlement area and population size occurred. This depopulation event is both several decades after first contact with Europeans and at least a decade after the first known depopulation event among the Haudenosaunee. Oneida populations show a much more complex history that suggests the need for more detailed analyses of contact-period Native American population data. In conjunction with archaeological evidence and ethnohistoric information, the population trends generated by this study create a model of two precontact Native American populations and display the effects of European contact on those populations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Lisa Euster

The authors emphasize early what Native American Almanac is not: an almanac, an encyclopedia, nor a scholarly work, among other things. It is described as a well-researched “historical overview of Native communities in what is now the United States” (ix). Despite the title, it is heavily focused on the post-contact period. The main arrangement is by geographical region, with an overview chapter and one discussing urban settings. Each chapter is introduced by a regional history, followed by discussion of tribes, their histories, and other information.


1992 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jill Norgren

When Europeans first arrived, the Native American societies of North America had a variety of systems of social control and conflict mediation. These indigenous peoples were not heir to the concept of equal protection of the law derived from the Magna Carta, nor to notions of individual rights defended in the English Bill of Rights (1689) and Western Enlightenment political thought. Theirs were systems of custom and commandment of their own need and development. Therefore, after the contact period, whenever conflict arose a central issue of cultural pluralism surfaced: whose resolution system would be used when mediation was necessary.


1998 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lenore Santone

A growing body of data from Contact-period sites throughout the Northeast and Middle-Atlantic regions demonstrates the prevalence of Native-American cultural resiliency in the face of European colonization. This article considers the resiliency of cultural traditions among Munsee groups of northern New Jersey, southeastern New York, and northeastern Pennsylvania during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Patterns of population movement and the contextual association of traditional craft items with European trade goods at contact sites throughout this area are examined and reveal a pattern of active resistance to the incessant demands of colonial expansion and acculturation.


Author(s):  
Christopher R. Moore ◽  
Jayur Madhusudan Mehta ◽  
Bryan S. Haley ◽  
David J. Watt

This chapter provides an examination of the Contact era in the Southeast through the lens of Chaos Theory. Everyday life in the protohistoric Native American Southeast was guided by tradition, but it was also affected in seemingly unpredictable ways by colonial exploration, trade, missionization, and settlement. The authors focus on the Yazoo Basin in northwestern Mississippi, the Apalachee province of northern Florida, the Cherokee town areas of southern Appalachia, and the areas of Natchez and Taensa settlements in southwestern Mississippi and northeastern Louisiana. The authors found that everyday life for particular people at particular places was shaped not only by local history and local forces but also by the increasingly global forces of change that affected both native peoples and European colonists.


Author(s):  
Robert Cast ◽  
Timothy K. Perttula ◽  
Bobby Gonzalez ◽  
Bo Nelson

Back in August 1997, the Caddo Nation of Oklahoma had submitted a Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) claim for a cranium that had been obtained by the American Museum of Natural History (AMNH) in New York City in 1877. Very little information was known about these remains, other than it had been obtained "as a purchase/gift" to the museum by Charles C, Jones Jr. and was "found in a mound" somewhere near the "Shreveport vicinity" in Caddo or Bossier Parish, Louisiana. "Based on the presence of artificial cranial deformation," the museum dated these human remains to a period of between A.D. 800 and the contact period. Because of the cranial deformation, and the archeological investigations that had taken place in the past in Louisiana, the museum had determined that the remains were culturally affiliated to the Caddo Nation. Through consultation with the Caddo Nation of Oklahoma and the Cultural Resources Office staff at the AMNH, in February 200 l the Notice of Inventory Completion was published for these human remains in the Federal Register.


2015 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Sampeck ◽  
Jonathan Thayn ◽  
Howard H. Earnest

AbstractThis research revisits the question of the most likely paths traveled during the 1540 entrada of Hernando de Soto and colonizing efforts of Juan Pardo about 20 years later by utilizing the spatial modeling method of geographic information system (GIS) analysis to evaluate the favorability of different paths and place them within the context of recent archaeological and ethnohistoric research. Analysis results make the larger anthropological point that GIS route modeling should explicitly take into account the size of the party traveling. Routes for small parties are not the same as optimal routes for large armies such as de Soto’s, which included hundreds of people, pieces of equipment, and livestock. The GIS-modeled routes correlate with the distribution of contact-period archaeological sites and attested eighteenth-century routes. More accurate estimation of Spanish routes allows us to better model the Native American social, economic, and political nexus of this period, showing that the residents in far eastern Tennessee were probably part of a dynamic borderlands between the chiefdom of Coosa to the west and the ancestral Cherokee heartland to the east. This anthropological refinement in GIS modeling will be useful in investigating ancient paths of interaction in many parts of the world.


Author(s):  
D. Rae Gould ◽  
Holly Herbster ◽  
Heather Law Pezzarossi ◽  
Stephen A. Mrozowski

This multi-authored case study of three Nipmuc sites is an introductory archaeology text that includes a tribal member as one of the scholars. Collaboration between the authors over two decades is a key theme in the book, serving as a model for a primary topic of the book. Historical Archaeology and Indigenous Collaboration engages young scholars in archaeology and Native American history, teaching them about respecting and including indigenous knowledge and perspectives on colonization and indigenous identity. A key asset is access by indigenous peoples whose past is explored in this book. The case study offers an arena in which Nipmuc history continues to unfold, from the pre-Contact period up to the present, and stresses the strong relationships between Nipmuc people of the past and present to their land and related social and political conflicts over time. A double narrative approach (the authors sharing their experiences while exploring the stories of individuals from the past whose voices emerge through their work) explores key issues of continuity, commonality, authenticity and identity many Native people have confronted today and in the past. As a model of collaborative archaeology, the relationships that developed between the authors stress the critical role personal relationships play in the development and growth of scholarly collaborations. Beyond being “engaged,” indigenous peoples need to be integral to any research focused on their history and culture. Although not entirely a new concept, this book demonstrates how collaboration can move beyond engagement and consultation to true incorporation of indigenous knowledge and scholarship.


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