Examining the Relationship Between Roe v. Wade Knowledge and Sentiment Across Political Party and Abortion Identity

Author(s):  
Brandon L. Crawford ◽  
Kristen N. Jozkowski ◽  
Ronna C. Turner ◽  
Wen-Juo Lo
Popular Music ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tony Mitchell

In his article ‘Rock music and politics in Italy’, Umberto Fiori deploys the example of an open-air concert by Genesis in Tirrenia in the province of Pisa, promoted in the summer of 1982 by the Italian Communist Party (PCI) as part of its annual Feste dell'Unita, as a summary example of de-politicisation of the consumption and production of rock music in Italy, and the institutionalisation of the oppositional, dissenting aspects of rock music that had previously been so potent there throughout the 1970s. To Fiori, the Genesis concert representedan unmistakeable step forward in the slow process of the ‘normalisation’ of the relationship between rock and politics in Italy. Explosive material until a few years before, rock music in the 1980s seems to have returned to being a commodity like any other, even in Italy. The songs are once again simply songs, the public is the public. The musicians are only interested in their work, and the organisers make their expected profits. If they happen to be a political party, so much the better: they can also profit in terms of public image and perhaps even votes. … Italy now learnt how to institutionalise deviation and transgression. An ‘acceptable’ gap was re-established between fiction and reality, desire and action, and music and political practice. (Fiori 1984, pp. 261–2)


2001 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Czech ◽  
Rena Borkhataria

Species conservation via the Endangered Species Act is highly politicized, yet few data have been gathered to illustrate the relationship of political party affiliation to species conservation perspectives. We conducted a nationwide public opinion survey and found that Democrats value species conservation more highly than do Republicans, and that Democrats are also more strongly supportive of the Endangered Species Act. Republicans place higher value on property rights than do Democrats, but members of both parties value economic growth as highly as wildlife conservation. The results imply that the Democratic propensity to value species conservation reflects a biocentric perspective that does not bode well for practical conservation efforts. Species conservation will depend upon the success of academicians and progressive political leaders in educating students and members of all parties about the fundamental conflict between economic growth and wildlife conservation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Eka Adhi Wibowo

This study aims to explore the relationship between the accountability of political parties and the electability of political parties. Political parties are public institutions that should accountable for public funds they use in order to be a means of aspiration for society in politics and government. The accountability variables used in this study are political party compliance with regulation of election campaign fund reporting and the amount of campaign fund, while electability is measured by vote acquisition during the election. The exploration of the relationship will provide an overview of party accountability and public understanding of accountability that is a requirement for the realization of good governance.Keywords: accountability, electability, political parties, compliance audits, campaign funds ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk melakukan eksplorasi mengenai hubungan antara akuntabilitas partai politik dengan elektabilitas partai politik. Partai politik adalah lembaga publik yang seharusnya memberikan pertanggungjawaban atas dana publik yang mereka gunakan dalam rangka menjadi sarana aspirasi bagi masyarakat dalam hal politik dan pemerintahan. Variabel akuntabilitas yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kepatuhan partai politik atas regulasi pelaporan dana kampanye pemilu dan besaran dana kampanye, sedangkan elektabilitas diukur dengan perolehan suara selama pemilu. Eksplorasi hubungan tersebut akan memberikan gambaran mengenai akuntabilitas partai dan pemahaman masyarakat mengenai akuntabilitas yang merupakan syarat perwujudan good governance.Kata kunci: akuntabilitas, elektabilitas, partai politik, audit kepatuhan, dana kampanye


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-192
Author(s):  
R. Saravana Raja

This article presents an understanding of the nature of Vanniyar politics by delineating the workings of Vanniyar organizations such as the caste associations and the political party in the post-1980s period in Tamil Nadu. Even though scholarship on caste and politics is concerned with the relationship between caste associations and political parties, the interface and networking between and among these organizations, particularly of a political party that has emerged out of the caste movement, need much more attention. This article, therefore, maps the interrelations between the caste associations and the political party within the Vanniyars’ politics by outlining the specific issues on which these Vanniyar organizations work.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuuki Maruyama

Shapley-Shubik Power Index per person (SSPIPP) is defined as the ratio of a political party's Shapley-Shubik Power Index in Parliament to the number of people who voted for the party. SSPIPP can be regarded as the political power each of them has. This model reveals the relationship between the party size and SSPIPP and shows it in a graph. The graph is M-shaped and reveals the optimal party size that maximizes SSPIPP. According to this model, the more votes required to pass bills in Parliament, the smaller the optimal party size becomes. This model also predicts that in countries which require a supermajority vote to pass bills, party system fragmentation tends to last long.


1998 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ukrist Pathmanand

Thaksin Shinawatra is a successful Thai business tycoon who has become extremely wealthy within the last fifteen years from investment in telecommunications and lately also in mass-transit infrastructure. He entered politics in the mid-1990s and became a party leader and minister in several governments. Through a study of Thaksin's business career and his political involvement I intend to illustrate how Thai politics functions in practice, as well as to highlight the intimate links between money and politics in Thailand, particularly in the telecommunications sector. During the economic boom the telecommunications sector was characterised by substantial profits and stiff competition, but after the economic crisis in July 1997 the Thai telecoms firms sustained heavy losses. In a surprise move the two biggest telecommunications conglomerates-Shinawatra and Charoen Phokapand-announced that they would merge some of their telecommunications firms, thereby creating one of the biggest concentrations of assets in Thailand and at the same time a de fact0 monopolisation of tlie telecommunications market. As if that were not enough, Shinawatra, together with his former arch-rival, has launched a new political party-Thai Rak Thai [Thai loves Thai]. This move may have profound implications for the development of Thai politics.'


Author(s):  
Marina Costa Lobo ◽  
Isabella Razzuoli

This chapter investigates an important implication of the cartel party thesis: that parties’ shift from society towards the state has eroded voters’ sense of political efficacy. More precisely, it explores whether and to what extent parties’ financial dependence on the state shapes electors’ feelings about the responsiveness of parties. The authors do this by linking PPDB (Political Party Database) information with the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) data. The results of their analysis show that the relationship between level of state funding of parties and citizens’ perceptions of party responsiveness is positive, though not strong. This is contrary to the theoretical expectations suggested by the cartel thesis, in that electors voting for parties more dependent on the state are not more likely to have low feelings of political efficacy.


1991 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 831-837 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary F. Moncrief ◽  
Joel A. Thompson

AbstractSeveral previous studies have noted that women constitute a relatively small proportion of provincial legislators in Canada. Numerous explanations for this phenomenon exist, most of which are identified clearly by Brodie, Bashevkin, Burt and others. In this research note, the authors examine the relationship between the proportion of female legislators and the urban/rural nature of the electoral district. They find that there is a distinct difference in the proportion of female legislators who represent urban districts compared to rural districts. This urban-rural disparity exists regardless of political party affiliation. Moreover, the gap appears to be widening over time.


Author(s):  
Lucas A. Powe

This chapter concludes that the book has discussed Texas's influence on all the doctrinal areas of modern constitutional law, showing that constitutional cases litigated by and in the state capture the major themes of the relation of law and politics in the entire country. In addition to representing all doctrinal areas of constitutional law, Texas cases revolve around the major issues of the nation, from race to wealth and poverty to civil liberties and the relationship of the states and the federal government to war. This conclusion summarizes some of those important cases, including City of Boerne v. Flores, an exercise in judicial review striking down the Religious Freedom Restoration Act as it applied to states; Texas v. Johnson (flag burning); Reagan v. Farmers' Loan and Trust (railroad rates); Lawrence v. Texas (homosexual sodomy); and Roe v. Wade and Whole Woman's Health v. Hellerstedt (abortion).


2021 ◽  
pp. 221-248
Author(s):  
Ian Loveland

This chapter assesses the nature and purpose of constitutional conventions. The discussions cover the concepts of collective and individual ministerial responsibility; the relationship between the Monarch and her Ministers; the relationship between convention, statute, and the common law; the ‘Ponsonby rule’ and the Constitutional Reform and Governance Act 2010. It is argued that the concentration of effective political power is often very intense, even within a political party; small groups of senior Ministers or even the Prime Minister alone may occasionally be, to all intents and purposes, ‘elected dictators’.


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