AKUNTABILITAS PARTAI POLITIK DAN ELEKTABILITAS PARTAI POLITIK: STUDI KASUS PADA PARTAI POLITIK PESERTA PEMILU DI PROPINSI DIY TAHUN 2014

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Eka Adhi Wibowo

This study aims to explore the relationship between the accountability of political parties and the electability of political parties. Political parties are public institutions that should accountable for public funds they use in order to be a means of aspiration for society in politics and government. The accountability variables used in this study are political party compliance with regulation of election campaign fund reporting and the amount of campaign fund, while electability is measured by vote acquisition during the election. The exploration of the relationship will provide an overview of party accountability and public understanding of accountability that is a requirement for the realization of good governance.Keywords: accountability, electability, political parties, compliance audits, campaign funds ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk melakukan eksplorasi mengenai hubungan antara akuntabilitas partai politik dengan elektabilitas partai politik. Partai politik adalah lembaga publik yang seharusnya memberikan pertanggungjawaban atas dana publik yang mereka gunakan dalam rangka menjadi sarana aspirasi bagi masyarakat dalam hal politik dan pemerintahan. Variabel akuntabilitas yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kepatuhan partai politik atas regulasi pelaporan dana kampanye pemilu dan besaran dana kampanye, sedangkan elektabilitas diukur dengan perolehan suara selama pemilu. Eksplorasi hubungan tersebut akan memberikan gambaran mengenai akuntabilitas partai dan pemahaman masyarakat mengenai akuntabilitas yang merupakan syarat perwujudan good governance.Kata kunci: akuntabilitas, elektabilitas, partai politik, audit kepatuhan, dana kampanye

2008 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 289-291
Author(s):  
Wayne P. Steger

Understanding why certain candidates get nominated is an important aspect of political scientists. This topic is a narrow one and influences a wider variety of subjects such as the political parties, general elections, and even the extent to which the United States is a democratic country. Presidential nominees matter—they become the foremost spokesperson and the personified image of the party (Miller and Gronbeck 1994), the main selectors of issues and policies for their party’s general election campaign (Petrocik 1996; Tedesco 2001), a major force in defining the ideological direction of a political party (Herrera 1995), and candidates that voters select among in the general election. This volume is devoted to presidential nominations and the 2008 nomination specifically.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-192
Author(s):  
R. Saravana Raja

This article presents an understanding of the nature of Vanniyar politics by delineating the workings of Vanniyar organizations such as the caste associations and the political party in the post-1980s period in Tamil Nadu. Even though scholarship on caste and politics is concerned with the relationship between caste associations and political parties, the interface and networking between and among these organizations, particularly of a political party that has emerged out of the caste movement, need much more attention. This article, therefore, maps the interrelations between the caste associations and the political party within the Vanniyars’ politics by outlining the specific issues on which these Vanniyar organizations work.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Gustav Almqvist ◽  
Patric Andersson

Abstract Recent surveys in China, South Korea, Brazil, South Africa, Russia, Australia, Italy, the UK, Canada, France, Germany, the USA, Japan, Hungary, and Denmark indicate that citizens generally are positive toward state nudging. However, less is known about differences in the support for nudging across socio-demographics and political party preferences, a research gap recently identified in the literature. This article investigates the relationship between the support for nudging and trust in public institutions through a population-representative survey in Sweden. It also analyzes differences in the support for nudging across political party preferences in two ideological dimensions: the economic left-right and cultural GAL-TAN spectra. Data were collected in December 2017 through a custom web survey, using Reisch and Sunstein's (2016) questionnaire. The respondents (N = 1032) were representative of the adult population with regard to gender, age, education, job sector, household income, living region, and political party preference. Sweden was found to belong to the cautiously pronudge nations (along with Japan, Hungary, and Denmark), contrary to hypotheses in previous research. Differences in the support for nudging were found along the economic left-right and GAL-TAN spectra. Individual nudges’ variation in support, polarization, and politicization are analyzed and discussed.


Author(s):  
Anna Dodonova

<p class="MsoBodyText" style="text-align: justify; margin: 0in 38.7pt 0pt 0.5in;"><span style="font-size: 10pt; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">This paper presents a theoretical model of political competition that can explain the positive correlation between money spent by a political party on the election campaign and the number of votes received. The model does not assume that money can be used to fool voters or to buy votes. It shows that such correlation arises because of the existence of unobservable factors that affect both campaign spending and the result of the campaign. It analyzes how wealth inequality among political parties and the costs of information dissemination affect the choice of political platforms and amounts of money spent by each party and shows that all parties have incentives to spend money on the election campaign.</span></span></p>


2011 ◽  
pp. 259-268
Author(s):  
Svetozar Ciplic

In this paper an attempt has been made to present one of the most prominent contradictions of the contemporary parliamentarianism in states which have a proportional voting system. This contradiction stems from the three-fold relationship between: a voter, a member of parliament (MP) and a political party from whose electoral list the MP is elected. On the one hand, a person does not have the possibility to be elected in the parliament if acting independently, outside the political party and its party mechanisms and logistical capacities. On the other hand, after being appointed the parliamentary term as a result of the party's will, the person attains the freedom, through their free term of office, to distance themselves from their political party, and even to leave it and join another political option. The paper also shows that this phenomenon significantly affects and deforms the principle of citizens' sovereignty, given that it is the political parties which have the major impact on the voters' sovereign will expressed at the elections. .


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 98-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Касибина ◽  
Mariya Kasibina

The article discusses some problematic aspects of interdependence of elections and institution of political parties. The absence of the rivalry of equal parties - opponents in the election campaign in the political sphere of the Russian society is pointed out. The importance of open competition of the parties in elections is analyzed. The importance of effective positive image of the political party and its ability to organize the promotion of elections is noted. The necessity of changes in the electoral legislation regarding the establishment of equal conditions for all political forces, particular in the elections is substantiated


2020 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 140-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanne Fjelde

Existing research on the causes of electoral violence has focused on structural determinants and election-specific characteristics but has paid less attention to the role of political agents that contest elections. This study addresses this gap by examining the relationship between the organizational strength of political parties and the risk of electoral violence. The study argues that strong political parties enhance the prospect for peaceful electoral dynamics for two reasons. First, having strong party organizations reduce incentives for violent electoral manipulation because these organizations enable more cost-efficient ways to mobilize voters. Second, strong party organizations constrain political actors from deploying electoral violence, both at the leadership and grassroot levels. The relationship between political party strength and electoral violence is studied by combining global data on the overall strength of political parties in the polity with data on violence across all national elections from 1946 to 2010. The statistical analysis accounts for a number of potentially confounding variables related to formal political institutions and election-specific characteristics. The results point to a statistically significant and substantively important association between strong political parties and a reduced risk of violent electoral conflict.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Riyadh U.B. ◽  
Hendra Sukmana

The aim of this research was to discuss the model of recruiting candidates for legislative is conducted by political parties in Sidoarjo Regency. This research used descriptive qualitative. This research was conducted at the Governing Council of Political Parties in Sidoarjo Regency. Informants of this study were leaders of political parties in Sidoarjo, legislative candidates from political parties in Sidoarjo. The results showed that the model of recruiting candidates for legislative in accordance with collaboration models included models of Barber, Snowiss, Rush & Althoff et al. This can be seen from some of the steps in the recruitment socialization of registration, selection, after that determination of legislative candidate by a team of Election Campaign Boar (Bappilu) political party in the Sidoarjo Regency and the serial number in accordance with the criteria of the political party chairman and Election Campaign Boar (Bappilu). Furthermore, it is registered with the General Election Commission (KPU) Sidoarjo regency set to be candidates for Legislative (candidates) remain with serial numbers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
Danis Tri Saputra Wahidin ◽  
Ali Muhyidin ◽  
Iswahyuni Iswahyuni ◽  
Anwar Ilmar

This study discusses the voter behavior that influence the fluctuation of  political party voters changing in the 2009, 2014 and 2019 legislative elections. The undestanding of political parties with a rational voter behavior approach is carried out to detect the relationship of political parties performance to the people's choices in the Indonesia Legislative elections. However, the Indonesian voters behavior  cannot be caracterized absolutely rational, because the sociological and the psychological voter behavior also strongly influences Indonesian voters, and even influences one another. This case study found that the behavior of Indonesian voters is volatile. loyal voters in the 2014 general election are predicted to only amount 20%. In the 2019 elections, loyal party voters tended to be stable due to several factors, 1) The political bipolarization between supporters of the Jokowi-Maruf and Probowo-Sandi pair, 2) high public satisfaction with the performance of the Jokowi-JK government, 3) stable public trust in government and opposition parties and 4) holding legislative elections in conjunction with the presidential election. This condition can be seen from the motives of political party voters who choose because of several main factors, namely figures, ideology and political work programs.Penelitian ini mendiskusikan tentang perilaku pemilih yang mempengaruhi perubahan suara partai politik pada pemilu legislatif 2009, 2014, dan 2019. Pendalaman partai politik dengan pendekatan perilaku pemilih rasional dilakukan untuk mendeteksi hubungan kinerja partai politik terhadap perilaku pemilih pada pemilu Legislatif di Indonesia. Meski demikian, perilaku pemilih Indonesia tidak dapat dikatakan rasional secara mutlak, karena perilaku pemilih sosiologis dan psikologis juga masih kuat mempengaruhi pemilih Indonesia, bahkan saling mempengaruhi antara satu dengan yang lainnya . Studi kasus ini menemukan bahwa perilaku pemilih Indonesia bersifat fluktuatif. pemilih loyal di Indonesia pada pemilu 2014 diprediksi hanya berjumlah 20%. Pada pemilu 2019 pemilih loyal partai cenderung stabil karena didorong oleh beberapa faktor, yaitu 1) bipolarisasi politik antara pendukung pasangan Jokowi-Maruf dan Probowo-Sandi, 2) tingginya kepuasan masyarakat pada kinerja pemerintahan Jokowi-JK,  3) stabilnya kepercayaan publik pada partai pemerintah maupun partai oposisi dan 4) pelaksanaan pemilu legislatif  yang bersamaan dengan  pemilu presiden. Kondisi ini terlihat dari motif pemilih partai politik yang memilih karena beberapa faktor utama yaitu faktor figur, Ideologi dan program kerja.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 716-721
Author(s):  
Dwi Putri Cahyawat ◽  
◽  
Zainal Arifin Hoesein

This article discussed the topic of political party membership in the Indonesian Parliament institutions, which is based on the pattern of relations between the People's Representatives and the people they represent, and their impact in the process of forming and implementing strategic policies that rely on popular sovereignty. The article focused on the study of politics of law in the institutionalization of political parties within the parliament's institutions and the impact on the exercise of popular sovereignty. This paper has several different approaches if related to the basic theory of democracy about political links which generally examines the relationship between political parties and their voters, between politicians and citizens, and between members of parliament and their people. The results emphasize the pattern of relations between the representatives of the people and the people they represent, in connection with the institutional existence of the Indonesian parliament which is the executor of people's sovereignty.


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