For research rooted in the everyday reality of patient experience

2019 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
pp. 50-56
Author(s):  
Hélène Lefebvre ◽  
Marie-Josée Levert ◽  
Maryse Larrivière ◽  
Michelle Proulx ◽  
Dan Lecocq
2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (12) ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Pooja Shankar ◽  
Dr. Poonam Rani

Life is very precious for everyone. Life needs proper care and nurture. Human life depends on society. Only in a good society we can find a good life.  Life is simple, very little is needed to make it happy. But social evils insist on making it complicated. Social evils in society have become a serious concern in the present day world. It is gradually affecting roots of our culture and its blocking its rapid growth on the global chart. The aim of writing this research paper is to highlight Social Evils in rural and urban societies. This research paper will explore the meaning, reason, effect of social evils in the light of the analysis of two novels of Kamala Markandaya, an Indian English writer. The research paper entitled ‘The portrayal of Social Evils in Kamala Markandaya’s Nectar in a Sieve and A Handful of Rice.’ In this paper, the effort is made to study Kamala Markandaya’s Social Evils in Nectar in a Sieve and A Handful of Rice. We will find poverty, hunger, starvation, beggary, prostitution, crime, unemployment and many more social evils in both novels. Kamala Markandaya’s A Handful of Rice and Nectar in a Sieve nothing but an account of the suffering of the rural and urban people, and how the cruelty of social evil resulting in suffering, death and misfortune is more explicit in both novels. Poverty is the everyday reality of the characters in the both novels.  Poverty is not an abstract concept that one can really think about, it’s like wolf at the door that must constantly be staved off. Both novels are a jolt to awaken the society against social evils.  


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 1200-1218
Author(s):  
Barbara Bossak-Herbst ◽  
Małgorzata Głowacka-Grajper

In this article the memory narrations of regular visitors to the Służewiec Racetrack in Warsaw are analysed. This, the only one long-term operating horse racetrack in communist Poland, was an enclave within public space, called by racegoers, who are predominantly elderly men, an ‘oasis of freedom’ – distant from the everyday reality and the rules of the official socialist ideology. The intricacies of the memory of regular racegoers are considered in reference to a broader discussion on the phenomenon of ‘post-communist nostalgia’. The nostalgic narrations are not only connected with communism but also with the imaginations of inter-war period’s horseracing. The authors show that contemporary interpretations of the horseracing world in communist Poland in terms of a ‘paradise lost’ expresses not positive assessing of the past but rather the criticism of post-communist times, when Polish horseracing has impoverished. Although the betting pools are now low, the ritualized gambling, practiced within the space of the Warsaw racetrack, seems to restore among the regular racegoers a sense of being in contact with that past better world.


Childhood ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 354-368
Author(s):  
Aatina Nasir Malik

In Kashmir, the entrenchment of political violence in the everyday has marked a shift from understanding Kashmiris as passive receivers of violence to agentic beings; however, much attention has not been paid to the experiences of children. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in one of the downtown neighbourhoods in Srinagar, this article would look at the everyday of children by focusing on their game playing. Analysing two games, that is, Military-Mujahid and PUBG (Player Unknown’s Battlegrounds), the article highlights how playing blurs the lines between spectacular and everyday, and actual and virtual/imaginary, establishing itself as a part of children’s everyday reality.


INVENSI ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-22
Author(s):  
Iskandar Iskandar

Kartun merupakan salah satu bentuk dialektika tanda dalam kategori bahasa verbal dan nonverbal, yang membuat dirinya unik adalah karena karakternya yang menyimpang, lucu, bersifat satir atau menyindir, baik terhadap orang atau tindakannya. Sebagai salah satu bahasa politik, kartun telah menjadi instrumen pokok untuk menceritakan realitas, segala tindakan dalam kartun merupakan studi tentang tanda. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui metafora yang digunakan dalam kartun bertema korupsi. Metodologi penelitian yang digunakan adalah metodologi kualitatif, dengan pendekatan deskriptif, yaitu dimana data yang dikumpulkan adalah karya visual kartun G.M. Sudharta yang dibuat tahun 2012 untuk koran Kompas, dan yang dipublikasikan pada media sosial Facebook-nya. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa terdapatnya metafora yang sangat dominan dan beragam dalam kartun bertema korupsi yang menandakan terdapatnya proses yang kritis dalam memandang budaya komunikasi. Setiap kartunis menciptakan tokoh kartun fiktif sebagai identitas yang mewakili dirinya untuk menyampaikan opini, kritik, dan olok-olok terhadap sesuatu yang sedang berlaku dalam realitas sehari-hari. Selain itu, setiap kartunis memiliki keunikan dalam menyampaikan pesan, hal tersebut merupakan gaya yang dipengaruhi oleh latar belakangnya masing-masing. Cartoon is a form of dialectic sign in the category of verbal and nonverbal language, which makes it unique is that deviant character, humorous, satirical or sarcatic, either against the person or his actions. As one of the political languages, cartoons have become a staple instrument to communicate the reality, every action in cartoon are the study of signs. This study aims to determine the metaphor used in cartoons with the theme of corruption. The research methodology used is qualitative methodology, with descriptive approach, that is where the data collected is a visual work of cartoon G.M. Sudarta made in 2012 for Kompas newspaper, and published on social media Facebook. The results of this study indicate that there is a very dominant and varied metaphor in a corruption-themed cartoon that signifies the existence of a critical process in viewing the culture of communication. Each cartoonist creates a fictitious cartoon character as an identity representing him/herself to convey opinions, criticisms, and banter towards something that is prevailing in the everyday reality. In addition, each cartoonist is unique in conveying the message, it is a style influenced by their background.


Refuge ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Carastathis ◽  
Aila Spathopoulou ◽  
Myrto Tsilimpounidi

Different evocations of “crisis” create distinct categories that in turn evoke certain social reactions. After 2008 Greece became the epicentre of the “financial crisis”; since 2015 with the advent of the “refugee crisis,” it became the “hotspot of Europe.” What are the different vocabularies of crisis? Moreover, how have both representations of crisis facilitated humanitarian crises to become phenomena for European and transnational institutional management? What are the hegemonically constructed subjects of the different crises? The everyday reality in the crisis-ridden hotspot of Europe is invisible in these representations. It is precisely the daily, soft, lived, and unspoken realities of intersecting crises that hegemonic discourses of successive, overlapping, or “nesting crises” render invisible. By shifting the focus from who belongs to which state-devised category to an open-ended, polyvocal account of capitalist oppressions, we aim to question the state’s and supranational efforts to divide the “migrant mob” into discrete juridical categories of citi-zens (emigrants), refugees, and illegal immigrants, thereby undermining coalitional struggles between precaritised groups.


2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (Supplement_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
E De La Rochebrochard

Abstract Assisted reproductive technologies (ART) regularly hit the media. Most people have an idea of ART that is based only on this prism. This restrictive view may lead to major discrepancy between what the general population thinks of these treatments and the everyday reality of ART. The most striking example of this discrepancy is probably the use of third party donors (sperm, oocyte, embryo or gestational donation). In France, the media focus almost exclusively on ART with a third party donor. The personalities who relate their experience in the media or in autobiographies are all children (now adults or adolescents) who were conceived with a third-party donor. Nevertheless, 95% of children conceived by ART in France have not been conceived through a third party. The media also highlight exceptional individual stories that give rise to strong societal controversies, such as Natalie Suleman (USA) who was called “Octomom” after she gave birth to octoplets, or Maria del Carmen Bousada de Lara (Spain) and Adriana Iliescu (Romania) who gave birth at age 66, or more recently Lulu and Nana (China) who were genetically modified twin sisters. Such reports can arouse wonder or fear, but both lead to a social representation of ART as an “omnipotent” technique. Infertile couples whose knowledge of ART is based on the media coverage may venture into these treatments thinking that as their case is an “ordinary” one, there should be no problem for them in having a baby through these technologies. Clinical statistics on ART show that even if the success rate is high, there is a gap between social expectations and reality. These statistics can be misleading, as they often assume that the couple has undergone several ART cycles. The objective of clinical statistics is usually to measure the efficacy of ART from a medical viewpoint, not from the standpoint of the couples’ care pathways. The gap between the two is considerable. The pathways of couples who undertake ART are marked by pitfalls that strongly affect success rates because of the risk of treatment dropout. In some countries, economic factors are a major reason for dropout because of the high cost of ART. France is a very interesting textbook case to explore this issue, as all infertility treatments are fully reimbursed for up to six artificial inseminations and four in vitro fertilizations for each birth. Economic barriers to ART access are minimal in such a favorable national context. Nevertheless, only about half of couples treated by ART finally become parents and success rates drop dramatically in older women. This epidemiological statistical reality is difficult to reconcile with the media presentation of ART as “omnipotent”. However, “natural miracles” can also occur as spontaneous births have been observed among couples unsuccessfully treated by ART. There are also other pathways to parenthood, such as adoption of a child. Thanks to ART, every year numerous couples become parents. But for infertile couples, the everyday reality is far from the “omnipotence” acclaimed by media headlines. The social representation of ART must move toward a more balanced perception of these technologies, bearing in mind its successes and also its limitations, especially with the current demographic trend towards childbearing at a later age that may lead to an increase in demand for ART. Change in the social representation of ART will probably need to go far beyond classic public health campaigns. ART will need to be approached differently in cultural spaces such as the media but also in movies, series or novels that have a major influence on collective social imaginaries and representations.


1989 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Morgan

That the newspaper press in the eighteenth-century Chesapeake colonies was chock-full of advertisements for runaway convicts is a clear indication of the significance of transportation to America in that period. The existence of convicts in Virginia and Maryland stemmed from the provisions of the Transportation Act passed by the British parliament in 1718. This stated that felons found guilty of non-capital crimes against property could be transported to America for seven years while the smaller number of criminals convicted on capital charges could have their death sentence commuted to banishment for either fourteen years or life. Between 1718 and 1775, when the traffic ended with the approach of war, more than 90 percent of the 50,000 convicts shipped across the Atlantic from the British Isles were sold by contractors to settlers in the Chesapeake, where there was a continuous demand for cheap, white, bonded labour. Though many convicts were people who had resorted to petty, theft in hard times rather than habitual criminals, they were often viewed with jaundiced eyes in the Chesapeake as purveyors of crime, disease and corruption. They also had to endure, along with slaves and indentured servants, the everyday reality of lower-class life in colonial America: the exploitation of unfree labour. It is therefore not surprising that many convicts, like other dependent labourers, tried to free themselves from bondage by escaping from their owners.


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