Prosecuting high-level corruption in Eastern Europe

2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 231-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Popova ◽  
Vincent Post

Do Eastern European courts effectively constrain politicians and uphold the rule of law? Criminal prosecution of grand (high-level) corruption can further the central principle of equal responsibility under the law by demonstrating that even powerful political actors have to submit to the laws of the land. This article introduces the Eastern European Corruption Prosecution Database, which contains entries for all cabinet ministers (927 in total) who served in a government that held office in one of seven post-Communist Eastern European countries since the late 1990s. The systematic data collection reveals that Bulgaria, Romania and Macedonia consistently indict more ministers than Croatia, the Czech Republic, and Poland; Slovakia has barely indicted anyone. We aim to start a research agenda by formulating hypotheses about which countries will see more corruption prosecutions and which ministers’ characteristics would make them more likely to face the court. We use the database to begin testing these hypotheses and find some evidence for several associations. We find no strong evidence that EU conditionality or membership raises the profile of the grand corruption issue or leads to more indictments. Party politics seems to affect the frequency of corruption indictments more than the structure and behavior of legal institutions. Indictment rates are lower when a former Communist party controls the government and individual ministers from junior coalition partners are more vulnerable to indictment than other ministers. The existence of a specialized anti-corruption prosecution or a more independent judiciary do not seem to lead to the indictment of more ministers on corruption charges. Finally, we discuss avenues of future research that our database opens, both for the analysis of country-level and individual-level variation.

2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 11-25 ◽  

This study tries to remedy the current lack of tax compliance research analyzing tax morale in 10 Eastern European countries that joined the European Union in 2004 or 2007. By exploring tax morale differences between 1999 and 2008 we show that tax morale has decreased in 7 out of 10 Eastern European countries. This lack of sustainability may support the incentive based conditionality hypothesis that European Union has only a limited ability to influence tax morale over time. We observe that events and processes at the country level are crucial to understanding tax morale. Factors such as perceived government quality, trust in the justice system and the government are positively correlated with tax morale in 2008.


2017 ◽  
pp. 38-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ewa Cieślik

The paper evaluates Central and Eastern European countries’ (CEEs) location in global vertical specialization (global value chains, GVCs). To locate each country in global value chains (upstream or downstream segment/market) and to compare them with the selected countries, a very selective methodology was adopted. We concluded that (a) CEE countries differ in the levels of their participation in production linkages. Countries that have stronger links with Western European countries, especially with Germany, are more integrated; (b) a large share of the CEE countries’ gross exports passes through Western European GVCs; (c) most exporters in Central and Eastern Europe are positioned in the downstream segments of production rather than in the upstream markets. JEL classification: F14, F15.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001872672110201
Author(s):  
Aurora Trif ◽  
Valentina Paolucci ◽  
Marta Kahancova ◽  
Aristea Koukiadaki

Is it possible for trade unions to fight precarity in an adverse global context? Although existing research suggests this is possible, there is limited understanding of the interplay of resources that enable unions to address precarity in deregulated markets. This study employs a power resource approach to investigate how unions overcome their external constraints. It draws upon 130 in-depth interviews with key informants across nine Central and Eastern European countries to investigate successful and unsuccessful union actions in sectors with differing external resources. In each sector, unions that mobilise their internal resources have been able to reduce various precarity dimensions, such as low wages, lack of voice, and irregular working time. The results reveal that unions whose objectives are based on convincing win–win discourses can make strides, acting as drivers of change in precarity patterns even in unfavourable conditions. Moreover, the study introduces a multi-dimensional conceptualisation of union success, identifying union actions that result in measurable improvements in precarity dimensions for all worker types. To deepen understanding of the role unions play in fighting precarity in adverse contexts, future research could investigate union actions that improve a wider range of precarity dimensions for all workers.


Author(s):  
Tsai-Fa Yen ◽  
Qinglin Zhang ◽  
Yanxia Zhang

This study aimed at investigating the nature of educational tourism by the adoption of means-end chain approach. Data was collected by interviewing three college students who finished the survey at Panxi area in 2020. Means-end chain approach, then, was employed to analyze the data. Findings show that a total of six meaningful paths: professional competence - research work - the integrated value of knowing and doing, destination health tourism resources -research work - the integration of knowing and doing, professional competence - interpersonal communication -research motivation - the integration of knowing and doing, destination travel Impressions - research work – discovery, travel habits -research work – discovery, and interpersonal communication - research work - leisure and social value could be met to be the approached to the nature of educational tourism. For example, college students hope to bring together their knowledge and behavior by participating in educational tourism. By verifying their professional ability (attributes), completing the research work (results), and reflecting the study of tourism to use, and the integration of knowing and doing. Moreover, recommendations to the government, industry, and future research were drawn.


Author(s):  
Martin Vinæs Larsen

AbstractDoes the importance of the economy change during a government's time in office? Governments arguably become more responsible for current economic conditions as their tenure progresses. This might lead voters to hold experienced governments more accountable for economic conditions. However, voters also accumulate information about governments' competence over time. If voters are Bayesian learners, then this growing stock of information should crowd out the importance of current economic conditions. This article explores these divergent predictions about the relationship between tenure and the economic vote using three datasets. First, using country-level data from a diverse set of elections, the study finds that support for more experienced governments is less dependent on economic growth. Secondly, using individual-level data from sixty election surveys covering ten countries, the article shows that voters' perceptions of the economy have a greater impact on government support when the government is inexperienced. Finally, the article examines a municipal reform in Denmark that assigned some voters to new local incumbents and finds that these voters responded more strongly to the local economy. In conclusion, all three studies point in the same direction: economic voting decreases with time in office.


1998 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-158
Author(s):  
Jörg Arnold ◽  
Emily Silverman

AbstractIn an initial summing up of this necessarily abbreviated and cursory report of findings, the first thing to recognise is that the countries examined in the study accorded different significance to the criminal law as a means for dealing with the past. The Eastern European countries, at any rate, appear to be largely in agreement with regard to the role of rehabilitation and compensation, although more comparative research into their realization in practice is required. With regard to the direct criminal prosecution and punishment of political and state-promoted crime, however, there is much less uniformity. This is clearly illustrated by the disparate criminal justice practices in the individual countries. Nevertheless, it cannot be said that criminal law plays no role whatsoever in accounting for the past.


2017 ◽  
Vol 57 (6) ◽  
pp. 1150-1190 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saurav Pathak ◽  
Etayankara Muralidharan

This article explores the extent to which income inequality and income mobility—both considered indicators of economic inequality and conditions of formal regulatory institutions (government activism)—facilitate or constrain the emergence of social entrepreneurship. Using 77,983 individual-level responses obtained from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) survey of 26 countries, and supplementing with country-level data obtained from the Global Competitiveness Report of the World Economic Forum, our results from multilevel analyses demonstrate that country-level income inequality increases the likelihood of individual-level engagement in social entrepreneurship, while income mobility decreases this likelihood. Further, income mobility negatively moderates the influence of income inequality on social entrepreneurship, such that the condition of low income mobility and high income inequality is a stronger predictor of social entrepreneurship. We discuss implications and limitations of our study, and we suggest avenues for future research.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
M Falkenbach

Abstract Background Austria is facing workforce shortages in long-term care making the country an important destination for migrant care workers, particularly from Eastern European countries. Many of them are working in low-status positions as carers in 24-hours care, although they are often qualified professionals. These 24-hour care positions are often in private households with no regulated workplace safety or standard minimum salaries. Despite this steady flow of migrant carers, shortage of nurses and carers in the country persists and is likely to increase. Methods A rapid review of available data and research was undertaken. Results The migration of nurses to Austria has played a significant role for many years, as the training of certified nurses within the country has only risen marginally. The annual inflow of foreign trained nurses reached a high in 2016 as did the number of 24-hour care workers, most of which are women. The recent cuts by the government towards family allowances for children not living in Austria will hit this population hard. Current anti-migration policies thus take the risk of reducing the numbers of migrant carers, although the government does not have a plan in place on how to fill the gaps and develop more effective health workforce planning and management. Conclusions Growing nationalism, a government pushing towards stricter migration laws and a restrictionist policy stance of unions relative to migrants, all create new threats to a health system heavily dependent on migrant carers.


Significance The government consists largely of newcomers and politicians with dubious links to the far right. It embarks upon a five-year reform programme for Austria which is thin on detail but could lead to radical changes. Impacts A tougher stance on migrants and asylum seekers could foster a wider reluctance in some EU states to accept refugees. Major constitutional changes are unlikely as the government would need the support of the SPOe or the small Neos party. Any extreme right-wing tendencies will concern Brussels and Israel, which will keep a close eye on the government. Austria will be an unpredictable ally, sometimes siding with Macron and at other times favouring alliances with Eastern European countries. The SPOe’s loss of office could lead to changes in personnel and programmatic position.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 575-595 ◽  
Author(s):  
Céline Teney ◽  
Onawa Promise Lacewell ◽  
Pieter De Wilde

Globalization pressures result in a new ideological conflict among Europeans. We use detailed items from the Eurobarometer survey on issues of immigration and European integration that measure the ideological perspective underpinning positions toward the EU. This provides a fine-grained analysis of the ideologies underlying the poles of the new globalization-centered conflict line, which we define as cosmopolitan and communitarian. Our results show that, next to socio-demographic characteristics, subjective measurements have a considerable additional power in explaining the divide among Europeans along the communitarian–cosmopolitan dimension. Subjective deprivation, evaluation of globalization as a threat, and (sub)national and supranational identities play an important role in dividing Europeans into groups of winners and losers of globalization in both Western and Central and Eastern European countries. At the country level, the national degree of globalization is associated positively with the communitarian pole and negatively with the cosmopolitan pole in all EU countries.


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