scholarly journals As Basic Ecclesial Communities in Case of Political Organization of Popular Movement for Housing in the City of Round Trip – Brazil (1970-1980)

2015 ◽  
Vol 174 ◽  
pp. 2265-2269
Author(s):  
Camila Faria
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-219
Author(s):  
Fiammetta Bonfigli ◽  
Germano Andre Doederlein Schwartz ◽  
Fabricio Pontin

This work is part of the research project developed by the Observatory on New Social Movements and Law in Brazil at La Salle University, focusing in the city of Porto Alegre and on the occupation of the City Council on July of 2013, which is placed in the context of the protests against the increase of bus fares and for free fare, attempting to understand the relationship between the political organization of the Bloco de Lutas pelo Transporte Publico and its legal group during the eight days of City Council occupation. We conducted semi-structured interviews with members of the occupation in order to clarify the dynamics in the movement and its understanding of the relationship between law and social movements, highlighting the deferment of the eviction order and the elaboration of two Bills as fundamental moments of the relationship between the collective organization of the occupation and its legal team. Este artículo forma parte de un proyecto de investigación desarrollado por el Observatorio de Nuevos Movimientos Sociales y Derecho de la Universidad La Salle de Brasil. Nos centramos en la ciudad de Porto Alegre y en la ocupación de su ayuntamiento en julio de 2013, en el contexto de las protestas contra el aumento de las tarifas de autobús y a favor del transporte gratuito. Intentamos comprender la relación entre la organización política del Bloco de Lutas pelo Transporte Publico y su grupo jurídico durante los ocho días que duró la ocupación. Realizamos entrevistas semiestructuradas con miembros de la ocupación para aclarar las dinámicas del movimiento y cómo entendía la relación entre derecho y movimientos sociales, destacando el aplazamiento de la orden de desalojo y la elaboración de dos leyes como momentos fundamentales de la relación entre la organización colectiva de la ocupación y su equipo jurídico.


Author(s):  
Arthur Benjamin ◽  
Gary Chartrand ◽  
Ping Zhang

This chapter considers Eulerian graphs, a class of graphs named for the Swiss mathematician Leonhard Euler. It begins with a discussion of the the Königsberg Bridge Problem and its connection to Euler, who presented the first solution of the problem in a 1735 paper. Euler showed that it was impossible to stroll through the city of Königsberg, the capital of German East Prussia, and cross each bridge exactly once. He also mentioned in his paper a problem whose solution uses the geometry of position to which Gottfried Leibniz had referred. The chapter concludes with another problem, the Chinese Postman Problem, which deals with minimizing the length of a round-trip that a letter carrier might take.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 345-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Álvarez ◽  
Christopher Chase-Dunn

This article takes up Samir Amin’s challenge to rethink the issue of global political organization by proposing the building of a diagonal political organization for the Global Left that would link local, national and world regional and global networks and prefigurational communities to coordinate contention for power in the world-system during the next few decades of the 21st century. The World Social Forum (WSF) process needs to be reinvented for the current period of rising neo-fascist and populist reactionary nationalism and to foster the emergence of a capable instrument that can confront and contend with the global power structure of world capitalism and aid local and national struggles. This will involve overcoming the fragmentation of progressive movements that have been an outcome of the rise of possessive individualism, the precariat, and social media. We propose a holistic approach to organizing a vessel for the global left based on struggles for climate justice, human rights, anti-racism, queer rights, feminism, sharing networks, peace alliances, taking back the city, progressive nationalism and confronting and defeating neo-fascism and new forms of conservative populism.


Author(s):  
David Recondo

The popular movement that emerged on June the 14th, 2006, in the city of Oaxaca de Juárez and the opposition’s victor y on the elections held on July the 2nd of the same year are connected. Both processes reflect the terminal crisis of a political regime based on traditional clientele and authoritarian relationships as forms of domination. However, the electoral shift that favored the opposition during the last presidential and legislative elections isn’t entirely new. After a detailed analysis of the evolution of the electoral results in the 570 districts of Oaxaca, one can conclude that the PRI (Institutional Revolutionar y Party) has been loosing votes since the end of the eighties decade . The opposition (PRD, PAN, and recently the Convergencia) have gained ground during the last 20 years. Oaxaca has gradually ceased to be a stronghold of the PRI.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia Pérez Torres

Abstract To think the borders of the metropolis beyond the representations associated with precariousness and crime presupposes recognizing the abundance and vitality of aesthetic practices and productions that are reconfiguring the discourses on the peripheries. In both Brazil and other Latin American countries, the emergence and diffusion of languages produced in the "margins" of cities call into question the center/periphery dualism - relativizing the existence of fixed boundaries, while proposing other ways of narrating different collective experiences. Commonly seen as a peripheral product, graffiti is an artistic language that express the multiplicity of agencies on the metropolitan edges. In the city of Medellín, Colombia, different groups formed mainly by young people from the edges have been taking on graffiti and hip hop as a resource to understand, narrate and distance themselves from the violence that crosses them. A significant sample of this type of collective experience is the Graffitour proposal, an "aesthetic, political and historical" route organized by the Centro Cultural Casa Kolacho in the Commune 13. Based on the assumption that the Graffitour transcends the simple representation of the medellinense periphery and constitutes a form of cultural and political organization to speak about the violence that appears in the city, this work reports the experience of having carried out this journey through Commune 13. In this sense, it aims to reflect on how discourses are produced on metropolitan edges in contemporary times and on the role of urban artistic manifestations in the interpretation of violence and in the construction of social memory.


Antiquity ◽  
1927 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Randall MacIver

It is surprising how little classical authors of the time of Augustus choose to tell us about the Etruscans. For Livy, Vergil and their contemporaries it might almost seem as if the Etruscans had already become a dim legendary background to history, hardly less unreal than King Arthur is to us. If they ever knew the facts they have taken great pains to conceal how much of their state religion and political organization was due to Etruscan rulers, and how completely the city of Rome itself was based upon Etruscan foundations. This is to some extent the result of a deliberate conspiracy. It was the set policy of the Augustan writers to suppress everything that did not obviously tend to the enhancement of Roman prestige; it was their policy to distort facts, to invent legends and to carry into their literature the same single-minded fanaticism that had made the success of their nation in politics and war. We must not look therefore to the Latin writers for any scientific account of the extraordinary people that preceded the Romans almost everywhere in North and Central Italy, and, but for some strange inherent weakness, would have ruled the whole peninsula in their stead. Merely as a prelude to his story of the rise of Rome, Livy tells us that Etruria had ‘filled with the renown of her name the whole length of Italy from the Alps to the Sicilian strait.’


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Hamidreza Varesi ◽  
Mahmoud Mahmoudzade

<span lang="EN-US">In the contemporary urban order the rational connection between the physique of the city and its non-physical elements is a major concern. Whatever happens in the existence of a city like the social, cultural, economic and political interactions are the inevitable realities through which the qualification and quantification nature of the city are determined. All occurrences in these realities, the constituent elements, are subject to the structural process which can be regulated as one of the social organization (non-physical) in urban settings, namely the social organization of the city, economic organization of the city and the political organization of the city. These organizations have the ranking in importance according to the city scale. The objective here is to identify these organizations and their contributions in conceptual urban planning. The adopted method here is descriptive-analytic. In a comparative comparison between the physical and non-physical needs of human regarding an urban setting reveals that the non-physical aspect has priority with high importance since its effect on the citizens’ satisfaction is specific and direct.</span>


REVISTARQUIS ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodolfo Mejías Cubero

Resumen Hoy, más que nunca, la ciudad sufre de grandes paradojas que hacen que esta se enfrente a nuevos escenarios políticos. La configuración de las ciudades que hoy vemos no es producto de la casualidad, son el reflejo de los sistemas de organización política que desde el origen de las primitivas asociaciones de homínidos la han moldeado. Este artículo busca ofrecer al lector una interpretación crítica de la teoría política de Aristóteles, y cómo se puede visualizar esta en la organización de las primeras ciudades mediterráneas, y cómo un escenario de organización política modela las relaciones de la con guración urbana en la búsqueda de la ciudad perfecta. AbstractToday, more than ever, the city suffers from great paradoxes that confront it with new political scenarios. The configuration of the cities we see today is not the result of chance, but rather a reflection of political organization systems that since the origin of primitive hominid associations have molded them. This article seeks to offer the reader a critical interpretation of Aristotle’s political theory, and as you can visualize this in the organization of the first Mediterranean cities, and as a stage of political organization which has modeled relationships of urban settings in search of perfect city.


Redes ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 474 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carina Santos de Almeida ◽  
Alexandre Luiz Rauber

Resumo O Município de iapoque é a única fronteira brasileira com um território europeu ultramarino, a Guiana Francesa. Particularmente, essa região e sua condição de fronteira se depara com desafios para sua efetiva inserção no processo de desenvolvimento regional, uma vez que apresenta condições distintas das outras fronteiras brasileiras com países autônomos, independentes e envolvidos em acordos transfronteiriços. O Brasil e a Guiana Francesa vivem em descompasso diplomático de restrições que limitam a migração, a cooperação, a solidariedade e as relações comerciais. Nesse sentido, as práticas socioespaciais e econômicas, pautadas nessas dinâmicas de relações restritivas à livre circulação de pessoas e ao comércio, constroem-se muitas vezes à revelia do Estado. Os desafios regionais para o desenvolvimento de Oiapoque abordados neste artigo evidenciam que a invisibilidade social, o isolamento territorial e a condição “marginal” de fronteira são contextos que estão sendo rompidos pelas novas dinâmicas da organização socioeconômica e política emergidas nas últimas décadas. Abstract Oiapoque is the only brazilian border with an european overseas, the French Guiana. Particularly this region and its boundary condition are faced with challenges to their effective integration into the regional development process, since it presents different conditions of other brazilian borders with independent countries, involved in cross-border agreements. Brazil and French Guiana have diplomatic restrictions that limit migration, cooperation, solidarity and trade relations, so the socio-spatial and economical practices, guided by these dynamics of restrictive relationships to the free movement of people and trade, they are built up often to State default. Regional challenges for the development of Oiapoque county are discussed in this article showing that the social invisibility, territorial isolation and the condition of "marginal" border contexts are being broken by the new dynamics of socioeconomical and political organization emerged in the last decades.


Author(s):  
Daniel J. Gargola

In recent years, a long-established view of the Roman Empire during its great age of expansion has been called into question by scholars who contend that this model has made Rome appear too much like a modern state. This is especially true in terms of understanding how the Roman government ordered the city––and the world around it––geographically. In this innovative, systematic approach, Daniel J. Gargola demonstrates how important the concept of space was to the governance of Rome. He explains how Roman rulers, without the means for making detailed maps, conceptualized the territories under Rome’s power as a set of concentric zones surrounding the city. In exploring these geographic zones and analyzing how their magistrates performed their duties, Gargola examines the idiosyncratic way the elite made sense of the world around them and how it fundamentally informed the way they ruled over their dominion. From what geometrical patterns Roman elites preferred to how they constructed their hierarchies in space, Gargola considers a wide body of disparate materials to demonstrate how spatial orientation dictated action, shedding new light on the complex peculiarities of Roman political organization.


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