Unpicking the Oslo Accords

Keyword(s):  
2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anaheed Al-Hardan

The 1948 Nakba has, in light of the 1993 Oslo Accords and Palestinian refugee activists' mobilisation around the right of return, taken on a new-found centrality and importance in Palestinian refugee communities. Closely-related to this, members of the ‘Generation of Palestine’, the only individuals who can recollect Nakba memories, have come to be seen as the guardians of memories that are eventually to reclaim the homeland. These historical, social and political realities are deeply rooted in the ways in which the few remaining members of the generation of Palestine recollect 1948. Moreover, as members of communities that were destroyed in Palestine, and whose common and temporal and spatial frameworks were non-linearly constituted anew in Syria, one of the multiples meanings of the Nakba today can be found in the way the refugee communities perceive and define this generation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Joel Singer

Abstract This article tells the story of how and why, when negotiating the Israeli-Palestinian Oslo Accords in 1993–95, the author developed the concept of dividing the West Bank into three areas with differing formulas for allocating responsibilities between Israel and the Palestinian Authority in each. The origin of how these areas were named is also discussed. This negotiation demonstrates that parties are prepared to modify ideological positions when detailed and practical options are presented that constitute a hybrid to the parties’ former positions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 387-415 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sherif A. Eissa

There are two principal reasons behind the lack of success in reaching a final peace agreement between the Israelis and the Palestinians, namely, the malfunctioning negotiations’ framework from one side and the complexity of the negotiated issues from the other. This article is mainly addressing the bilateral framework’s flaws when it comes to the Oslo accords and the way the two negotiating parties have perceived them. It is an attempt to overhaul the existing Oslo peace process and not to create a new one. Oslo process has become entrenched over more than twenty years of different practices and legal realities. The article is also introducing a negotiating framework that combines the benefits of a multilateral regional track to the Oslo process aiming to redress the latent structural flaws. It is intended not to tackle the final status issues, as there is a plethora of literature doing so. The extensive focus on those complicated issues without redressing the process’ structural flaws has led partially to the current stalemate. The role of any mediator or external partner is not to solve those issues on behalf of the principal parties, but to work on the negotiating framework and the process itself.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Mohammed I. M. Hamdan ◽  
Mohamed Shawky Abd El-Aal ◽  
Abidin Abdul Hamid Kandil

The current study attempts to highlight the stages of Palestine’s joining the World Trade Organization (WTO) and steps that should be followed by Palestine to join the World Trade Organization from the observer to the member. It also clarifies how Palestine joins the World Trade Organization as a state and then as a customs territory. The problem of this study lies in determining the legal effects of Palestine's joining the World Trade Organization as a state on the one hand and as a customs territory on the other. The study aims at clarifying the stages that Palestine will go through in case of joining the World Trade Organization, the steps that Palestine should take to join the World Trade Organization, and the mechanism that should be followed when Palestine joins the World Trade Organization as a state, and then as a customs territory. The study concluded that Palestine must join the World Trade Organization as a customs territory as soon as possible in order to avoid any discussion about the final legal status of its territories according to the Oslo Accords. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-24
Author(s):  
David Schwartz ◽  
Daniel Galily

This study aims to present the Islamic Movement in Israel, its ideology and pragmatism. With progress and modernization, the Islamic movements in the Middle East realized that they could not deny progress, so they decided to join the mainstream and take advantage of technological progress in their favor. The movement maintains at least one website in which it publishes its way, and guides the audience. Although these movements seem to maintain a rigid ideology, they adapt themselves to reality with the help of many tools, because they have realized that reality is stronger than they are. The main points in the article are: The Status of Religion in Israel; The Legal Status of Muslim Sharia in Israel; Personal status according to Israeli law; The establishment of the Islamic Movement in Israel – Historical Background; The crystallization of movement; Theoretical Background – The Theory of Pragmatism; Ideology and goals of the Islamic Movement in Israel; The background to the split in the movement – the opposition to pragmatism; How the ideology of the movement is expressed in its activity? The movement’s attitudes toward the Israeli elections, the Oslo Accords and the armed struggle against Israel; How does pragmatism manifest itself in the movement’s activities?


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 94
Author(s):  
Ahmad Kilani ◽  
Mohammad Ali Alawieh ◽  
Mussaui-Ulianishcheva E. V. ◽  
Ulyanishcheva L. V.

After almost twenty-five years since the Oslo accords, the last relatively successful peace agreement between the Palestinians and the Israelis, Trump’s plan is the newest attempt to achieve sustainable long-lasting peace in the Middle East between the two conflicting parties. This paper argues that the P&P plan is designed to a one-state solution. Through a comparison between the Oslo Accords and the P&P plan we can observe the shift from the two state notions to the one state concept with a system of apartheid. The article also attempts to suggest improvements on the plan to be more suitable for both parties under a one state solution, namely, to include a new constitution.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (73) ◽  

This research covers an examination of the effects of the ongoing war in Palestine on artists of Palestinian origin and their works that can be considered as “uprising (intifada)”. Although the beginning of the Palestine-Israel conflict can be dated back to the end of the 19th century, the turning point has been known as 1948 when the State of Israel was officially declared. While the year 1948 means victory for the Israelis, this date was imprinted on the memories of the Palestinians as a “Catastrophe (nakba in Arabic)”. The First Palestinian Intifada (uprising), which took place twice in Palestine from 1987 to 1993 (the period from the signing of the Oslo Accords and the Palestinian uprising against the occupation of Palestinian lands), the second Palestinian Intifada (uprising) from September 2000 to 2005 and the interim periods when the artists came to the fore with their works were evaluated within the scope of the uprisings. Artists who attempt to trace the traces of individual and social war memory, notably those such as Mona Hatoum, Emily Jacir and Dana Awartani, were addressed within the scope of the research on the works of artists of Palestinian origin. As a result, the works of artists, who have been continuing in Palestine from the past to the present and cannot easily isolate themselves from the conflicts, will take their place in art history as the anatomy of an occupied society by war. Keywords: war, art, Intifada art, Palestinian artists, occupation


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document