Power Sharing, the Transition to Minimalist Democracy, and Post-Conflict Democratization

2020 ◽  
pp. 95-125
Keyword(s):  
Power Sharing ◽  
Post Conflict

scholarly journals Sri Lanka: Physical Reconstruction and Economic Development as Conflict Prevention Factors

2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (69) ◽  
pp. 55-76
Author(s):  
Boženko Đevoić
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Sri Lanka ◽  
External Pressure ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Sri Lankan ◽  
Conflict Prevention ◽  
Prevention Measures ◽  
Postconflict Reconstruction ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
The Government

ABSTRACT This article gives an overview of the 26 year long ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka and examines physical reconstruction and economic development as measures of conflict prevention and postconflict reconstruction. During the years of conflict, the Sri Lankan government performed some conflict prevention measures, but most of them caused counter effects, such as the attempt to provide “demilitarization”, which actually increased militarization on both sides, and “political power sharing” that was never honestly executed. Efforts in post-conflict physical reconstruction and economic development, especially after 2009, demonstrate their positive capacity as well as their conflict sensitivity. Although the Sri Lankan government initially had to be forced by international donors to include conflict sensitivity in its projects, more recently this has changed. The government now practices more conflict sensitivity in its planning and execution of physical reconstruction and economic development projects without external pressure.

Bargaining Models of War and the Stability of Peace in Post-Conflict Societies

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margit Bussmann
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
Theoretical Work ◽  
Time Inconsistency ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Security Guarantees ◽  
Commitment Problems

A major challenge for countries that emerge from civil war is the stabilization of the post-conflict order in a way that fighting does not break out again. Recent empirical and theoretical work on the resolution of civil wars and on the duration of peace strongly rely on the bargaining framework of war emphasizing information asymmetries and commitment problems as main reasons for why in some states civil wars recur repeatedly, whereas in other societies a conflict ends and a transition to a peaceful society is successful. The length of peace spells depends partly on information about the distribution of power that became available during the conflict, captured by the duration and intensity of the fighting as well as the type of conflict ending. Information problems are more relevant at earlier stages and with regard to the initiation of negotiations. In finding bargaining deals and securing their implementation, the conflict parties have to overcome commitment problems. The literature has investigated in more detail third-party security guarantees and power-sharing arrangements as mechanisms to get conflict parties to credibly commit to and adhere to a negotiated agreement. Recently, empirical research moved beyond the conclusion of peace agreements to the study of their implementation. Particular challenges for a peaceful order are the demobilization of ex-combatants, which is aggravated by time-inconsistency problems, the timing of elections, and the redistribution of economic resources. Finally, solutions become more difficult in multiparty conflicts and if the armed groups are fragmented.

Mitigating violence by solving the commitment problem in post-conflict negotiations

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-166
Author(s):  
Yukako Sakabe Tanaka
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Formal Model ◽  
State Building ◽  
Vital Role ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Timor Leste ◽  
Commitment Problem ◽  
Political Groups

Why do some political groups choose to remain militant when they have the opportunity to transform into political parties or become members of state organs? By scrutinizing the power-sharing negotiations held before a country’s first election, this article argues that the group that leads the negotiations faces the challenge of accepting or declining the policy proposed by its counterpart who poses a threat of violence. Even if the counterpart proposes policy that is acceptable to the leading faction, fulfilling the commitment in regard to the political deal is another challenge for the leading faction. Such challenges often fail and consequently cause violence. In contrast, some counterparts can successfully transform themselves into non-violent political agencies regardless of whether they make compromises in policies or not. Third parties can play a vital role in avoiding violence by influencing actors’ decision-making or enhancing the leading faction’s ability to achieve its commitment. The article illustrates this argument by presenting a formal model and then testing the model by examining the case of Timor-Leste. It suggests specific conditions required for negotiations under which armed groups transform into peaceful actors when introduction of democracy and state-building are ongoing.

scholarly journals Introduction FEDERALISM, RECONCILIATION, AND POWER-SHARING IN POST-CONFLICT SOCIETIES

2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Neophytos Loizides ◽  
Iosif Kovras ◽  
Kathleen Ireton
Keyword(s):  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Introductory Article ◽  
Individual Contributions ◽  
Grassroots Level ◽  
Conflict Reconciliation ◽  
The Individual

This special issue examines the interplay between reconciliation in postconflict societies and alternative mechanisms of political accommodation. In our introductory article, we define and explore the central concepts used in post-conflict studies while investigating the potential linkages between reconciliation and federal or power-sharing arrangements. We argue that addressing issues of justice, reconciliation and amnesty in the aftermath of conflict frequently facilitates cooperation in establishing successful institutional mechanisms at the political level. We also examine the degree to which reconciliation at the grassroots level should be seen as a prerequisite of consolidating power-sharing arrangements among elites particularly in the form of federal agreements. Finally, we discuss the individual contributions to the special issue and highlight the importance of incorporating insights from the literature of transitional justice and post-conflict reconciliation to the study and practice of federalism.

scholarly journals Contested law: Slow Response to Demands for Reformulating Protected Area Legal Framework in Nepal

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naya S Paudel ◽  
Sudeep Jana ◽  
Jailab K Rai
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Protected Area ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Management Plan ◽  
International Agreements ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Benefit Sharing ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Legal Provisions ◽  
Contextual Reality

The paper identifies and highlights gaps in protected area (PA) legal provisions in Nepal and makes a case for timely reformulation of legal framework to suit the new socioeconomic and political contexts. Laws concerning PAs are examined against the contexts of international agreements, conventions, and accepted standards as well as the local ground realities. The legal framework is critically analysed using seven analytical variables: the process of PA declaration, governance types, power sharing, management plan, tenure rights, benefit sharing, and compliance and law enforcement. Literature review, content analysis, interviews and participant observations were adopted in securing data. It is observed that the current legal framework either does not reflect the current contextual reality or stand only in paper or are not properly implemented as per the spirit of the law. It is argued that regulatory framework should reflect both the contemporary conservation discourses and should respond to the popular demands emerged in the post-conflict political context in Nepal. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jfl.v10i1.8603   Journal of Forestry and Livelihood Vol.10(1) 2012 88-100

scholarly journals Gendering the institutional legacies of the Northern Ireland senior civil service

2018 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-74
Author(s):  
Michelle Rouse
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
Research Direction ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Direction Parallel ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Bureaucratic Discretion ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
New Research ◽  
Institutional Legacies

Abstract The adverse gender outcomes associated with post-conflict power-sharing arrangements contrast starkly with the socially transformative promise of the framework peace agreements which produce them. Scholarship that has sought to analyse the adverse gender outcomes which occur on imple - mentation has largely focused on the complexities of power-sharing institutional architecture and the role of elite political actors within it. This article makes the case for a new research direction. Parallel research in the field of post-conflict public administration indicates that the complexity of power-sharing institutional arrangements may provide increased opportunity structures for the use of bureaucratic discretion. While use of bureaucratic discretion among elite bureaucrats in Northern Ireland was found to be grounded in core public service values (O’Connor, 2015), feminist institutional analysis exposes those ostensibly benign values (neutrality, objectivity and impartiality) as distinctly gendered phenomena when mediated through the prism of gendered organisational culture (Chappell, 2002, 2006). This article considers the history and specificity of the Northern Ireland civil service and in particular its elite cohort of decision-makers - the senior civil service (SCS) - with a view to excavating the particular institutional legacies which may imbue SCS values and culture. In doing so it asks whether gendered institutional legacies have the potential to function as structural inhibitors to formal provisions for gender equality and socially transformative policy in Northern Ireland’s post-conflict dispensation.

scholarly journals The Evolution of Party Policy and Cleavage Voting under Power-Sharing in Northern Ireland

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Tilley ◽  
John Garry ◽  
Neil Matthews
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Divided Societies ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Party Manifestos ◽  
Post Conflict

Abstract This article argues that post-conflict consociational arrangements in ethnically divided societies incentivize moderation by political parties, but not policy differentiation outside the main conflict. This results in little policy-driven voting. Analysing party manifestos and voter survey data, we examine the evolution of party policy and cleavage voting under power-sharing in Northern Ireland 1998–2016. We find a reduction in ethno-national policy differences between parties and that ethno-nationalism has become less important in predicting vote choice for Protestants, but not Catholics. We also find little party differentiation in other policy areas and show that vote choices are largely independent of people's policy stances on economic or social issues. Our findings are thus largely consistent with a ‘top-down’ interpretation of political dynamics.

scholarly journals Rebels, Revenue and Redistribution: The Political Geography of Post-Conflict Power-Sharing in Africa

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Felix Haass ◽  
Martin Ottmann
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Power Bases ◽  
National Data ◽  
Difference In Differences ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Rebel Groups ◽  
Link Information ◽  
Gain Access ◽  
Settlement Areas

Abstract Do rebel elites who gain access to political power through power-sharing reward their own ethnic constituencies after war? The authors argue that power-sharing governments serve as instruments for rebel elites to access state resources. This access allows elites to allocate state resources disproportionately to their regional power bases, particularly the settlement areas of rebel groups' ethnic constituencies. To test this proposition, the authors link information on rebel groups in power-sharing governments in post-conflict countries in Africa to information about ethnic support for rebel organizations. They combine this information with sub-national data on ethnic groups' settlement areas and data on night light emissions to proxy for sub-national variation in resource investments. Implementing a difference-in-differences empirical strategy, the authors show that regions with ethnic groups represented through rebels in the power-sharing government exhibit higher levels of night light emissions than regions without such representation. These findings help to reconceptualize post-conflict power-sharing arrangements as rent-generating and redistributive institutions.

POWER-SHARING AND NATIONAL COMMUNITY FORMATION: UNDERSTANDING BOSNIA’S EXPERIENCE

2021 ◽  
pp. 127-153
Author(s):  
Irina Kudryashova ◽  
Elena Meleskina
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Successful Implementation ◽  
Quarter Century ◽  
Dual Nature ◽  
National Community ◽  
Post Conflict

The article explores the experience of power-sharing, i.e. consociational democracy, established in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) after the end of the ethnic war a quarter century ago. The authors’ attention is aimed at identifying a balance between the broad autonomy of the three major ethnocultural groups (segments) and the formation of a national community and common civic identity. Knowing this balance makes it possible to determine the prospects for political stability and development. For this purpose, the system of political institutions in BiH is considered, and its specificity is highlighted. Data-based analysis allows to define a number of negative trends in the Bosnian political process, in particular, the weakening of the democratic potential of the political regime, as well as the deterioration of the quality of governance and civil society’s activities. The observed rise in political participation is assessed as ineffective, since it hasn’t been accompanied by an increase in authorities’ responsibility and ability to solve acute political and socioeconomic problems. In particular, despite widespread support for the European perspective, party leaders haven’t been able to agree on the constitutional reform that is required to obtain official EU candidate status. The BiH parties’ analysis reveals their interest in promoting the ethno-nationalist discourse for keeping control over the economic and political resources of their communities. It is also noted that the role of international actors in BiH is of a dual nature: they maintain the required level of stability, but some of their decisions provoke strengthening of the nationalist forces. In the framework of the Bosnian case, the importance of the elites’ consent to joint participation in power and cooperation can be viewed as the most important condition for the successful implementation of power-sharing institutions and practices in post-conflict societies.

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