Antitrust Enforcement and State Restraints at the Mainland China-Hong Kong Interface: The Importance of Bilateral Antitrust Co-operation

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 335-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelvin Hiu Fai KWOK

AbstractThis article argues that effective co-operation between the antitrust authorities of Mainland China and Hong Kong in antitrust enforcement and the removal of anti-competitive state restraints is essential to the promotion of market competition in, as well as free trade and economic integration between, the two regions. This entails the careful design and conclusion of a bilateral co-operation agreement embracing not only comity co-peration in antitrust enforcement, but also the adoption of a diplomatic solution of mutual self-restraint for the removal of anti-competitive state restraints at the Mainland China-Hong Kong interface. This would also require the co-operation of Mainland Chinese and Hong Kong government authorities. Only with such bilateral cooperation can anti-competitive business practices and state restraints obstructing free trade and economic integration between the two regions be eliminated.

2016 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 391-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siu-yau Lee ◽  
Lina Vyas ◽  
Kee-lee Chou

Recent studies in America and Europe suggest that individual economic self-interest plays little role in explaining individual attitudes towards immigrants. A key piece of evidence for this proposition is that natives do not show particular hostility towards immigrants whose skill levels are similar to their own. We conducted an experimental survey of Hong Kong residents to examine their attitudes towards immigrants from Mainland China. We found that positive attitudes towards low-skilled immigrants were more prevalent among local labourers – whose job security would presumably be under greater threat from them – than among executives and professionals. Similarly, the premium attached to highly skilled immigrants increases significantly with locals’ occupational prestige, suggesting that immigrants are more likely to find support among natives who share similar occupational interests. Our results remain robust even after controlling for a range of potential explanatory variables. We conclude with a critical discussion of the use of skill levels to estimate the occupational interests of natives and assess the value of relying on the conventional labour market competition model to generate hypotheses about the role of economic self-interest in shaping immigration preferences.


2017 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 510-518 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew K Pine ◽  
Ding Wang ◽  
Lindsay Porter ◽  
Kexiong Wang

Abstract Given the common physical overlapping between coastal developments and important marine mammal habitats, there is a need to identify potentially important foraging grounds for dolphins when informing marine spatial planning and management of underwater noise. Hydrophones were deployed at four locations either side of the mainland China–Hong Kong Special Administrative Region border to monitor the presence of soniferous fishes; a key prey item for Indo-Pacific humpback dolphins. Five distinct chorus-types were identified; each showing spatiotemporal variability. Each chorus-type was assumed to represent a separate species. Chorus-type diversity also differed between sites, with SP4 and SP5 types only being detected within Hong Kong waters where bottom trawling is illegal. Chorus-type SP1 was only detected at the recording sites in mainland Chinese waters. Call rates and chorus duration were highest during the spring and summer months. Given these dolphins show a predator-prey relationship, these data provide new information on the local fish communities at a much finer-scale than fish landing records and a baseline of fish activity in an environment that is challenging to explore. Overlaid with acoustic detections of foraging dolphins, these data form a basis for identifying potentially important foraging habitats that should be afforded the highest priority for protection.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-233
Author(s):  
Ray C. H. Leung

Abstract This study of media discourse focuses on how the sociopolitical culture in Hong Kong and Mainland China is conceptualized by the English-speaking press. To this end, the present research studies newspaper articles on the Hong Kong Occupy Central Movement published in Britain, the United States, and Australia. Cultural Linguistics, combined with corpus analytical techniques, is used to examine the construals of hong kong and mainland china. A 303,455-word corpus which contains 402 articles was compiled for data analysis. It is found that the disagreement between the Hong Kong civilians and the Mainland Chinese government is often reported with metonymical conceptualizations (place for inhabitants versus place for the institution). In general, the sociopolitical culture in Hong Kong and Mainland China is imbued with negative emotions, disharmony, and power differences, as is evident from the body, illness, disease, container, and possession conceptualizations. At the end of this paper, issues about researching conceptualizations in newspaper texts, such as the journalistic input, are discussed.


Significance The strike is a major escalation of the months-long anti-government protest movement, causing serious economic disruption for the first time and setting a precedent. The government’s suspension of a controversial bill allowing extradition to mainland China has failed to satisfy activists and a significant section of the public. Police today continue to clash with protesters in several locations around the city, resulting in arrests, serious injuries and destruction of public property. Impacts Use of mainland Chinese military riot police is now realistic. The longer protests continue, the more opportunities there are for miscalculation or radical tactics on both sides that deepen animosities. Limited mainland intervention as a last resort still seems more likely than a risky attempt to intimidate using overwhelming force.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-215
Author(s):  
Minchao Hua

This paper lays out the perceptions of three different regions to describe Chinese perspectives on the 2014 Scottish Independence Referendum. Mainstream newspapers, cyber-opinions, and scholarly writings are three vectors to assess Mainland Chinese perception. Considering the limited number of academic reports about the referendum in Taiwan and Hong Kong, compared to that on the mainland, our conclusion about their perceptions is primarily based on mainstream newspapers. The article identifies two ideologically opposed perspectives. On the one hand, the dominant view in Mainland China (and in mainstream newspapers in Hong Kong and Taiwan) framed the referendum in negative terms, presenting it as a ‘threat’ and a ‘problem’. On the other hand, the dominant view in Hong Kong and Taiwan praised the Scottish referendum as a model of participatory democracy. These contrasting perspectives are deeply rooted in distinctive ideologies and historical experiences.


2011 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 92-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kui-Wai Li ◽  
Tung Liu ◽  
Hoi Kuan Lam ◽  
Liang Wang

English Today ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 22-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Danielewicz-Betz ◽  
David Graddol

The border between mainland China and Hong Kong has become one of the world's most fascinating linguistic divides. On one side lies the mainland Chinese city of Shenzhen, stretching the entire length of the border – an extraordinary urban development which in many ways epitomises the recent urbanisation of modern China. On the other side lies the Special Administrative Region (SAR) of Hong Kong (see Figure 1). It is not possible to cross from Hong Kong to mainland China by land without passing through one of the Shenzhen checkpoints.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 170-196
Author(s):  
Kuo Huei-Ying (郭慧英)

This paper examines the interplay between trade and nationalism in the development of Chinese bourgeois nationalism in British Hong Kong in the interwar years (1919–1941). It points out the contingent responses among the Chinese bourgeoisie to the calls of Chinese nationalism. The bourgeoisie were lukewarm to the mobilization of the Chinese anti-British strikes and boycotts in the 1920s. They however organized fundraising movements and charities to support the Chinese defence against the Japanese inroads in the 1930s. The implication of the findings is twofold: first, the operation of Chinese antiforeigner movements in Hong Kong was not “taught nationalism” dictated by nationalists in mainland China. Second, while Chinese bourgeoisie identified the Japanese expansion as a reason for the British decline, they did not attempt to interrupt the Japanese trade. The latter was crucial for the Chinese manufacturers in Hong Kong to sustain their business. The agency of Chinese in Hong Kong in the decades of high Chinese nationalism points to the importance of examining Chinese bourgeois nationalism in Hong Kong against the backdrop of the colony’s place in the inter-imperialist rivalry between the demise of the British free-trade imperialism and the rise of the Japanese East Asian New Order. (This article is in Chinese.)


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 473-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Chan

Two survey experiments examined how linguistic intergroup bias (LIB) varies according to ethnic identification within a homogenous ethnic group (Hong Kong citizens). Study 1 showed that Hong Kong citizens who identified as “Hongkonger” used more abstract expressions to describe prosocial behaviors of the in-group (Hong Kong citizen) and antisocial behaviors of the out-group (Mainland Chinese); those who identified as “Chinese” exhibited less LIB. Study 2 found similar results for a context based on location of behaviour (in Hong Kong vs. in China) rather than the nationality of the protagonist. The combined evidence suggests that LIB can have an important intragroup as well as intergroup dimension.


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