scholarly journals Does apologizing work? An empirical test of the conventional wisdom

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
RICHARD HANANIA

AbstractPublic figures often apologize after making controversial statements. There are reasons to believe, however, that apologizing makes public figures appear weak and risk averse, which may make them less likeable and lead members of the public to want to punish them. This paper presents the results of an experiment in which respondents were given two versions of two real-life controversies involving public figures. Approximately half of the participants read a story that made it appear as if the person had apologized, while the rest were led to believe that the individual had stood firm. In the first experiment, hearing that Rand Paul apologized for his comments on civil rights did not change whether respondents were less likely to vote for him. When presented with two versions of the controversy surrounding Larry Summers and his comments about women scientists and engineers, however, liberals and females were more likely to say that he should have faced negative consequences for his statement when presented with his apology. The effects on other groups were smaller or neutral. The evidence suggests that when a prominent figure apologizes for a controversial statement, individuals are either unaffected or become more likely to desire that the individual be punished.

2017 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
pp. 156-174
Author(s):  
Dangiras Mačiulis

The images of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Union of the Kingdom of Poland in Lithuanian collective memory (end of the 19th c. – 1940)Since the end of the 19th century the Lithuanian national movement created several narrations about national history, which presented a negative evaluation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Union of the Kingdom of Poland. Polonization of Lithuania was highlighted as the most negative consequence of these Unions.All unions formed under the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Union of the Kingdom of Poland got negative evaluation in the discourse of Lithuanian nationalism. However, the Union of Lublin was considered to be the greatest harm – it was evaluated as a fatal moment in the Lithuanian history giving rise to the processes of dangerous Lithuanian national ethnic identity loss. The Lithuanian national movement proclaimed cultural and political independence, and declared that the revival of historical ideal of the Unions’ national identity was unacceptable for the Lithuanian nation.When discussing the Lithuanians’ rights to political independence with the Polish public figures and reacting to ambitions of the Polish political figures to restore Poland with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth national borders of 1772, in the Lithuanian press the image of two Unions (usually, the Union of Lublin) was presented as the symbol underlying the Lithuanian national political and cultural dependence. The image of the Union of Lublin was like an obligatory illustration of the Lithuanian nationalism discourse underlining the negative consequences of the union for the Lithuanian nation. It was the Union of Lublin that became the generalized image of all unions and the symbol of Lithuanian political, ethnic, cultural dependence, the memory location underlying the traumatic memory.The initiatives of the Polish public figures to actualize the memories about the unions caused the Lithuanians’ negative response and numerous discussions. A similar situation happened in 1913 when the Polish society mentioned the 500th anniversary of the Herald Union. The celebration of this anniversary was evaluated by Lithuanians as a Polish attempt to revive the political union ideal – as an attempt to make Lithuania a part of Poland. The debates of those times were used by the public figures of the Lithuanian national movement in order to emphasize the orientation of the Lithuanian national movement towards the cultural and political emancipation and underline that the Lithuanians do not accept any idea of state revival reasoned by historical unions.The image of unions in the interwar Lithuania of the 20th century was the most vivid in propagandist discourse during the fights for Lithuanian independence and when trying to restore the historical capital, Vilnius. This image was used as a rhetoric figure of propagandist discourse symbolizing the Lithuanian slavery and a threat of its dependence on Poland.  Obrazy unii między Wielkim Księstwem Litewskim a Królestwem Polskim w litewskiej pamięci zbiorowej (koniec XIX w. – 1940 r.)Od końca XIX w. litewski ruch narodowy tworzył narracje historyczne, w których unie między Wielkim Księstwem Litewskim (dalej WKL) a Królestwem Polskim oceniano negatywnie. Za największy negatywny skutek unii uznano polonizację Litwy.W litewskim dyskursie nacjonalistycznym negatywnie oceniono wszystkie unie zawarte między WKL a Królestwem Polskim, jednak jako największe zło traktowano unię lubelską – decydujący punkt w historii Litwy, od którego rozpoczął się groźny proces utraty tożsamości przez naród litewski. Litewski ruch narodowy głosił dążenie do wolności kulturowej i politycznej. Towarzyszyła temu deklaracja, że dla narodu litewskiego nie do przyjęcia jest odrodzenie historycznej unijnej idei państwowości.W toczącej się w prasie litewskiej dyskusji z polskimi działaczami społecznymi o prawach Litwinów do samodzielności politycznej oraz w reakcji na ambicje polskich działaczy społecznych przywrócenia państwowości Polski w granicach Rzeczpospolitej Obojga Narodów z 1772 r., obraz unii (najczęściej lubelskiej) pojawiał się jako symbol zależności politycznej i kulturowej narodu litewskiego. Wizja unii lubelskiej była obowiązkową ilustracją litewskiego dyskursu nacjonalistycznego, świadczącą o negatywnych skutkach unii dla Litwinów. To właśnie unia lubelska stała się uogólnionym obrazem wszystkich unii oraz symbolem niewoli politycznej, narodowej i kulturowej Litwinów, traumatycznym miejscem pamięci.Inicjatywy polskich działaczy, by przywrócić pamięć o uniach, wywoływały negatywną reakcję ze strony Litwinów i rodziły dyskusje. Tak się stało, na przykład, w 1913 r., gdy polskie społeczeństwo obchodziło jubileusz 500. rocznicy unii horodelskiej. Obchody te oceniono jako próbę Polaków ożywienia idei unii politycznej – dążenie do uczynienia z Litwy części Polski. Ówczesne dyskusje działacze litewskiego ruchu narodowego wykorzystali do tego, by podkreślić swoje dążenie do emancypacji kulturowej i politycznej oraz zaznaczenia, że Litwini nie akceptują żadnej idei odrodzenia państwowości, opartej na uniach historycznych.W okresie międzywojennym na Litwie obraz unii najbardziej był dostrzegalny w dyskursie propagandowym w okresie walk o niepodległość Litwy oraz w dążeniu do odzyskania historycznej stolicy Wilna. Obraz ten wykorzystano jako figurę retoryczną dyskursu propagandowego, symbolizującą niewolę Litwy i jej uzależnienie od Polski.


Author(s):  
Loren Collingwood

Chapter 3 examines the origins of cross-racial mobilization in Texas between white/Anglo candidates and Latino voters. The chapter employs extensive archival evidence and quantitative data to provide the first rigorous statistical and empirical test of the book’s overall cross-racial mobilization model. First, the chapter lays out a detailed classification methodology that sorts candidates into different levels of cross-racial mobilization based on data located in archives, newspapers, books, and the public record. Second, the chapter shows that cross-racial mobilization disproportionately occurs after the passage of key civil rights reforms, as the Latino population grows, and as white hostility drops. The chapter also reveals how cross-racial mobilization—measured via Spanish-language ad-buys—increased Dwight Eisenhower’s vote share in high-density Hispanic counties in the 1956 presidential campaign. Finally, the chapter includes several short case studies of Lyndon Johnson’s, John Tower’s, and Bill Clements’ cross-racial mobilization.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-44
Author(s):  
Nijolė Skurdenienė ◽  
Dalia Prakapienė

One element of any organization’s success is its organizational culture that manifests itself through the creation of a value system and emphasis on the well-being of employees. In this context, mobbing is a phenomenon understood as psychological stress experienced by individuals at work as a result of certain actions by another person leading to negative consequences for the individual, the organization and society. Given the fact that mobbing in statutory organizations or in organisations involved in their activities has hardly been studied, this article aims to reveal the peculiarities of mobbing in the Ministry of National Defence of Lithuania and its institutions through the organizational environment and employees’ relationships. Two hundred and one participants responded to the questionnaire. It was found that mobbing exists in the Ministry of National Defence and its institutions, but the number of employees experiencing workplace bullying corresponds to the general trend established by scientific research. The results also revealed that mobbing does not depend on the employee’s length of service, it is most commonly expressed through verbal communication and women experience it more often than men. It can be stated that the prevention of mobbing in the institutions under analysis is very weak and conflicts are solved in a time-consuming manner, concentrating only on local measures.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 157-169
Author(s):  
Sorinel Ionel Vasilca ◽  
Ella Magdalena Ciupercă ◽  
Madlena Nen

Abstract International migration represents one of the most important aspects of globalization that contributes to the evolution and transformation of our lives. In 2000, as the United Nations reports showed, approximately 175 million people lived outside their native country for more than 12 months, a number that doubled with respect to the reference year 1975. This means that there are more and more “clashes” between people around the globe, involving greater responsibility for states in integrating the “moving” society. The public perception is continuously impacted by the migration phenomenon in its different aspects, but the effects are highly dependent on the communities’ social, cultural and religious pre-determination. In this respect, our paper aims to analyse the reflection of the traditional values of the host society to the individual perceptions on immigration, as expressed in various social media. In our view, in order to maximize the success potential of the public policies adopted by the host states in the field of immigration, these must be tightly correlated with the traditional social values, as observed in the real context, and also closely follow the evolution of these values, as expressed in the digital space. For this purpose, we will compare the social media and real life to show differences and resemblances of the attitudes towards the immigrants who might come in Romania from Middle East.


2010 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 60-65
Author(s):  
Francine Wenhardt

Abstract The speech-language pathologist (SLP) working in the public schools has a wide variety of tasks. Educational preparation is not all that is needed to be an effective school-based SLP. As a SLP currently working in the capacity of a program coordinator, the author describes the skills required to fulfill the job requirements and responsibilities of the SLP in the school setting and advises the new graduate regarding the interview process and beginning a career in the public schools.


1999 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 205-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Magnusson

A description of two cases from my time as a school psychologist in the middle of the 1950s forms the background to the following question: Has anything important happened since then in psychological research to help us to a better understanding of how and why individuals think, feel, act, and react as they do in real life and how they develop over time? The studies serve as a background for some general propositions about the nature of the phenomena that concerns us in developmental research, for a summary description of the developments in psychological research over the last 40 years as I see them, and for some suggestions about future directions.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-137
Author(s):  
Roxanne Christensen ◽  
LaSonia Barlow ◽  
Demetrius E. Ford

Three personal reflections provided by doctoral students of the Michigan School of Professional Psychology (Farmington Hills, Michigan) address identification of individual perspectives on the tragic events surrounding Trayvon Martin’s death. The historical ramifications of a culture-in-context and the way civil rights, racism, and community traumatization play a role in the social construction of criminals are explored. A justice orientation is applied to both the community and the individual via internal reflection about the unique individual and collective roles social justice plays in the outcome of these events. Finally, the personal and professional responses of a practitioner who is also a mother of minority young men brings to light the need to educate against stereotypes, assist a community to heal, and simultaneously manage the direct effects of such events on youth in society. In all three essays, common themes of community and growth are addressed from varying viewpoints. As worlds collided, a historical division has given rise to a present unity geared toward breaking the cycle of violence and trauma. The authors plead that if there is no other service in the name of this tragedy, let it at least contribute to the actualization of a society toward growth and healing.


Author(s):  
Ellen Anne McLarney

This chapter focuses on the work of Heba Raouf Ezzat. Ranked the thirty-ninth most influential Arab on Twitter, with over 100,000 followers, voted one of the hundred most powerful Arab women by ArabianBusiness.com, and elected a Youth Global Leader by the World Economic Forum, Raouf Ezzat has articulated and disseminated her Islamic politics in a global public sphere. Her writings and lectures develop an Islamic theory of women's political participation but simultaneously address other contested questions about women's leadership, women's work, and women's participation in the public sphere. Heba Raouf Ezzat is one of the most visible public figures in the Arab and Islamic world today, a visibility that began with her book on the question of women's political work in Islam, Woman and Political Work.


2019 ◽  
Vol 76 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 180-188
Author(s):  
Bianca Nicla Romano

Art. 24 of the 1948 Declaration of Human Rights recognises and protects the right of the individual to rest and leisure. This right has to be fully exercised without negative consequences on the right to work and the remuneration. Tourism can be considered one of the best ways of rest and leisure because it allows to enrich the personality of the individual. Even after the reform of the Title V this area is no longer covered by the Italian Constitution, the Italian legal system protects and guarantees it as a real right, so as to get to recognize its existence and the consequent compensation of the so-called “ruined holiday damage”. This kind of damage has not a patrimonial nature, but a moral one, and the Tourist-Traveler can claim for it when he has not been able to fully enjoy his holiday - the essential fulcrum of tourism - intended as an opportunity for leisure and/or rest, essential rights of the individual.


Author(s):  
Bashkim Selmani ◽  
Bekim Maksuti

The profound changes within the Albanian society, including Albania, Kosovo and Macedonia, before and after they proclaimed independence (in exception of Albania), with the establishment of the parliamentary system resulted in mass spread social negative consequences such as crime, drugs, prostitution, child beggars on the street etc. As a result of these occurred circumstances emerged a substantial need for changes within the legal system in order to meet and achieve the European standards or behaviors and the need for adoption of many laws imported from abroad, but without actually reading the factual situation of the psycho-economic position of the citizens and the consequences of the peoples’ occupations without proper compensation, as a remedy for the victims of war or peace in these countries. The sad truth is that the perpetrators not only weren’t sanctioned, but these regions remained an untouched haven for further development of criminal activities, be it from the public state officials through property privatization or in the private field. The organized crime groups, almost in all cases, are perceived by the human mind as “Mafia” and it is a fact that this cannot be denied easily. The widely spread term “Mafia” is mostly known around the world to define criminal organizations.The Balkan Peninsula is highly involved in these illegal groups of organized crime whose practice of criminal activities is largely extended through the Balkan countries such as Kosovo, Albania, Macedonia, Serbia, Bosnia, Croatia, Montenegro, etc. Many factors contributed to these strategic countries to be part of these types of activities. In general, some of the countries have been affected more specifically, but in all of the abovementioned countries organized crime has affected all areas of life, leaving a black mark in the history of these states.


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