scholarly journals Gender Equality Reforms on an Uneven Playing Field: Candidate Selection and Quota Implementation in Electoral Authoritarian Tanzania

2016 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 464-486 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elin Bjarnegård ◽  
Pär Zetterberg

This article investigates the dynamics that gender quota reforms create within and between government and opposition parties in electoral authoritarian dominant-party states. A dominant-party state regularly holds relatively competitive elections, but the political playing field is skewed in favour of the government party. We investigate the circumstances under which gender quotas’ goal of furthering political gender equality within political parties can be reconciled with parties’ electoral concerns. We address these issues by analysing the implementation of reserved seats by the three largest parties in the dominant-party state of Tanzania. The empirical analysis suggests that the uneven playing field leaves an imprint on the specific priorities parties make when implementing candidate selection reforms. Because of large resource gaps between parties, the ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi – (CCM), is able to reconcile gender equality concerns with power-maximizing partisan strategies to a greater extent than the opposition parties.

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Catalano Weeks ◽  
Lisa Baldez

This article addresses concerns that candidates nominated because of gender quota laws will be less qualified for office. While questions of candidate quality have long been relevant to legislative behavior, quota laws requiring a certain percentage of candidates for national office to be women have generated renewed interest. Gender quotas are often perceived to reduce the scope of political competition. By putting gender identity center stage, they preclude the possibility that elections will be based on ‘ideas’ or ‘merit’ alone. Other electoral rules that restrict candidate selection, such as the centralization of candidate selection common in closed list PR systems, have been found to reduce the quality of candidates. Rules that open selection, such as primaries, result in higher quality candidates. We exploit the institutional design of Italy’s mixed electoral system in 1994, where quotas were applied only to the PR portion of the list, to compare the qualifications of men, women, and ‘quota women’. We estimate regressions on several measures of deputies’ qualifications for office and performance in office. We find that unlike other rules limiting candidate selection, quotas are not associated with lower quality on most measures of qualifications. In fact, quota women have more local government experience than other legislators and lower rates of absenteeism than their male counterparts. Contrary to critics, quota laws may have apositiveimpact on legislator quality. Once the quota law was rescinded, quota women were less likely to be re-elected than non-quota women or men, which suggests that discrimination – not qualification – limits women’s status as candidates.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-217
Author(s):  
Bani Syarif Maula

Abstract: Achieving equal opportunities between women and men in political competition has always been a complex process, even though the government has established affirmative policies to encourage a greater role for women in the political sphere. The issue of patriarchal culture and the challenge of religious conservatism can hamper the achievement of the objectives of the affirmation policy for women in competing for elections to occupy the position of parliament members (DPR-RI). This paper discusses the political contestation of women in reaching political positions as people's representatives and the challenges they face in fighting for issues of gender equality in the parliament. This research answers what factors are hampering women's involvement in political contestation, and what challenges are there in fighting for gender equality issues. This study used a qualitative method with a descriptive analysis approach. The theory used in this study was the concept of affirmative action and the theory of gender equality in politics. The results of the discussion showed that the number of women elected in the 2019 Elections increased. Thanks to the affirmative policy ruled by the Indonesian government. However, affirmative policies to meet gender quotas do not only benefit those who have gender equality agendas, but also those who stand with the anti-feminist movement that represents the voices of conservative groups. The issue they are fighting for is still trapped in the gender ideology proclaimed by a patriarchal culture, which assumes women's problems are identical to those of mothers. Therefore, not all elected women MPs explicitly have a gender perspective. الملخص:إن تحقيق تكافؤ الفرص بين النساء والرجال في المنافسة السياسية كان دائمًا عملية معقدة ، على الرغم من أن الدولة وضعت سياسات إيجابية لتشجيع دور أكبر للمرأة في المجال السياسي.يمكن أن تعوق مسألة الثقافة الأبوية وتحدي المحافظة الدينية تحقيق أهداف سياسة التأكيد للمرأة في التنافس على الانتخابات لشغل منصب أعضاء البرلمان (مجلس النواب لجمهورية إندونيسيا). تناقش هذه الورقة التنافس السياسي للمرأة في الوصول إلى المناصب السياسية كممثلة للشعب والتحديات التي تواجهها في الكفاح من أجل قضايا المساواة بين الجنسين في البرلمان.يجيب هذا البحث عن العوامل التي تعوق مشاركة المرأة في التنافس السياسي ، والتحديات التي تواجهها النساء في الكفاح من أجل قضايا المساواة بين الجنسين. تستخدم هذه الدراسة طريقة نوعية مع نهج التحليل الوصفي.النظرية المستخدمة في هذه الدراسة هي مفهوم العمل الإيجابي ونظرية المساواة بين الجنسين في السياسة. تظهر نتائج البحث أن عدد النساء المنتخبات في انتخابات 2019 زاد بنسبة 22 في المائة. بفضل السياسة الايجابية التي تحكمها الحكومة الاندونيسية.ومع ذلك ، فإن السياسات الإيجابية للوفاء بحصص النوع الاجتماعي لا تفيد فقط أولئك الذين لديهم أجندة للمساواة بين الجنسين ، ولكن أيضًا أولئك الذين يقفون إلى جانب الحركة المناهضة للنسوية التي تمثل أصوات الجماعات المحافظة.إن القضية التي يناضلون من أجلها لا تزال عالقة في الأيديولوجية الجنسانية التي أعلنتها ثقافة أبوية ، والتي تفترض أن مشاكل المرأة مماثلة لمشاكل الأمهات.لذلك ، لم يكن لجميع البرلمانيات المنتخبات منظور جنساني بشكل واضح.Abstrak: Mencapai peluang yang setara antara perempuan dan laki-laki dalam persaingan politik selalu menjadi proses yang kompleks, meskipun negara telah menetapkan kebijakan afirmatif untuk mendorong peran yang lebih besar bagi perempuan dalam ranah politik. Persoalan budaya patriarkal dan tantangan konservatisme agama dapat menghambat pencapaian tujuan kebijakan afirmasi bagi perempuan dalam memperebutkan pemilihan untuk menduduki posisi anggota DPR-RI. Kajian ini membahas kontestasi politik perempuan dalam mencapai posisi sebagai wakil rakyat dan tantangan yang mereka hadapi dalam memperjuangkan isu-isu kesetaraan gender di parlemen. Penelitian ini menjawab faktor-faktor apa yang menghambat keterlibatan perempuan dalam kontestasi politik, dan tantangan apa yang dihadapi perempuan dalam memperjuangkan isu kesetaraan gender. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan analisis deskriptif. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah konsep affirmative action dan teori kesetaraan gender dalam politik. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa jumlah perempuan yang terpilih dalam Pemilu 2019 meningkat 22 persen berkat kebijakan afirmatif yang ditetapkan oleh pemerintah. Namun demikian, kebijakan afirmatif untuk memenuhi kuota perempuan tidak hanya menguntungkan mereka yang memiliki agenda kesetaraan gender, tetapi juga mereka yang mendukung gerakan anti-feminis yang mewakili suara-suara kelompok konservatif. Masalah yang mereka perjuangkan masih terjebak dalam ideologi gender yang diproklamasikan oleh budaya patriarki, yang menganggap masalah perempuan identik dengan masalah ibu. Karena itu, tidak semua anggota parlemen perempuan yang terpilih secara eksplisit memiliki perspektif gender.


Author(s):  
Dr. Sher Muhammad ◽  
Dr. Muhammad Waris Awan ◽  
Misbah Hussain

This paper intends to explore the “backlash“   impact of gender equality policies such as gender quotas in the shape of the resistance, provoked by male parliamentarians against their female colleagues. Such resistance exists in different shapes, such as sexist remarks, intimidation, or harassment. It is important to understand the nature and the motive behind such violence, and the effect of this violence on the performance of women legislators. The study is primarily based on semi-structured interviews with 15 female members of the National Assembly of Pakistan. It is evident from the findings of the paper that patriarchy, socio-economic structures, and the political power configurations are key elements that lead to this type of violence and it is not peculiar to only women elected on reserved seats.


2019 ◽  
pp. 95-123
Author(s):  
Melody E. Valdini

Chapter 5 looks beyond candidate selection to consider the adoption of gender quotas in the aftermath of a massive corruption scandal. It argues that the prevalence of gender quotas today demonstrates that elites see an advantage to this particular method of inclusion and suggests several reasons why a quota offers the benefits of feminization while simultaneously limiting some of the costs of women’s inclusion. The chapter asserts that a gender quota potentially allows elites more control over women’s presence and power than any other method of inclusion and is thus often the elites’ optimal method. In addition, it presents case study analyses of the adoption of legislated gender quotas in two countries—Italy and Argentina—and argues that quota adoption was driven by both the benefit of strategically associating with women in the post-scandal environment as well as the particular advantages of this method of inclusion in these contexts.


2017 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 15-35
Author(s):  
Mary Brennan ◽  
Fiona Buckley

Abstract In 2012 legislative gender quotas were introduced as part of the Fine Gael/Labour coalition government’s political reform agenda. The legislation specifies that payments to political parties ‘shall be reduced by 50 per cent, unless at least 30 per cent of the candidates whose candidatures were authenticated by the qualified party at the preceding general election were women and at least 30 per cent were men’. The 30 per cent gender threshold came into effect at the 2016 general election. Research demonstrates that gender quotas work to increase women’s political descriptive representation, but to do so, political parties must engage with them in ‘goodwill’, be ‘wellintentioned’ or place women in ‘winnable seats’. This article examines if this was the case at the 2016 general election. Using statistics, as well as drawing from interviews with party strategists, the article assesses the impact of gender quotas on women’s candidate selection and election. We conclude that parties did embrace the spirit of the gender quota law but resistance remains.


Author(s):  
Svitlana Bula ◽  
Lyudmyla Klym

The article highlights the current state of gender parity in the government system in Ukraine. The Ukrainian legislation is gender-balanced and provides all the main types of equality and social protection, which are enshrined at both the constitutional and the legislative levels. However, the problem is in the contradiction between legislative fixing of gender equality principles and real social processes. In Ukraine there is a voluntary 30 percent gender quota, which is enshrined in the Law “On political parties in Ukraine”, according to which parties that have at least a third part of representatives of the same gender as a result of elections, receive an additional 10% of annual volume of state funding of statutory activities. Since 2015, the gender quota has also been extended to local elections. It means that at least a third part of the electoral roll must be women. According to the monitoring of the official site of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, the gender composition of the Verkhovna Rada of the 9th convocation has changed and compared to the previous one, the representation of women has increased by 8.8% in the parliament and two parties have received an additional funding from the state budget for more balanced representation of women and men in the Verkhovna Rada – “European Solidarity” and “Voice”. However, the problem of women and men's empowerment remains. Positive and negative aspects of the process of gender policy-making are shown. The legislative support for gender equality is analyzed. It is proved that the declarative nature of gender legislation is a serious cause of imbalance in establishing the parity of representation of men and women in the system of public administration of Ukraine, as well as the absence of a legal mechanism for ensuring the principle of equality between women and men. The ways of gender policy improvement in the system of public administration are outlined, in particular: legislative changes should be accompanied by gender-sensitive education in order to shape the gender culture of citizens and civil servants; gender issues must be taken into account in sustainable development strategies and programs. Keywords: gender, gender policy, public administration, discrimination, gender equality, gender roles, gender identity, gender legal expertise, gender analysis, gender quota.


Author(s):  
Fiona Buckley ◽  
Mary Brennan

This chapter considers the implementation and effect of legislative gender quotas in the 2016 general election, a first for Ireland and a first for the proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote electoral system (PR-STV). It focuses on political parties and examines how they integrated the formal gender quota law into their candidate selection processes. Particular attention is paid to whether the law changed existing candidate selection practices, many of which are guided by informal candidate selection norms, such as a preference for incumbents and those exhibiting localist traits. The chapter concludes that the gender quota law did engender change in the candidate recruitment, selection, and election of women, but, as scholars of feminist institutionalism would describe, the change was ‘nested’ and ‘bounded’ within existing practices surrounding candidate selection, thereby denting but not dismantling the gendered norms of this process.


2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janine Hills

A significant development in the area of gender quota legislation is driven by South Africa’s latest National Policy Framework for Women Empowerment and Gender Equality (WEGE) legislation. This legislation expands on the values and principles that need to be integrated into policies, practices and programs of the private sector and government to ensure gender equality and quotas. The legislation strives for 50 per cent female representation on the executive bodies of all organisations. Another unique feature of diversity in South Africa is achieved through the Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) Program. South Africa’s BEE Scorecard Policies and Empowerment Strategies are unique, affecting quota decisions and behaviour.


2016 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 416-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tània Verge ◽  
Ana Espírito-Santo

About two decades after the introduction of party quotas, in the mid-2000s both Portugal and Spain enacted legislative gender quotas. The simultaneous implementation of party and legislative quotas raises questions about the potential interactions between two types of candidate quotas sharing the same goal – granting gender equality in political representation. Following a feminist institutionalist approach, this article aims at disentangling under what circumstances compliance with legislative quotas is greater. By looking at the different party institutional contexts in which candidates are selected, a double comparative framework is set. Firstly, we examine within country how legislative quotas affect political parties with dissimilar strategies to pursue equal gender representation. Secondly, we analyse across countries how they impact on political parties with differently institutionalized voluntary quotas. The article shows that legislative quotas are nested in political parties’ candidate selection process and that existing gendered practices and norms limit the effective compliance with such measures.


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