International politics beyond the usual channels: A president writes to a people other than his own

2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-122
Author(s):  
Irene Fonte Zarabozo

In this study, I analyse an exceptional case of international political communication, in which the President of one nation writes directly to the people of another, outside the normal diplomatic channels. I study two missives addressed by Cuban President Fidel Castro to the Mexican people during a situation of conflict between their two countries. They take the form of letters published through the Mexican press. After analysing the context in which Castro’s letters appear, I examine the main discursive characteristics of the texts. The analysis includes speech acts, modality and the persons mentioned in the text. My findings reveal the political intent of these messages: to influence the Mexican political agenda, repositioning Cuba both with respect to the Mexican authorities and leftist politics in Latin America.

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-157
Author(s):  
Edina Strikovic ◽  
Toni G. L. A. van der Meer ◽  
Emma van der Goot ◽  
Linda Bos ◽  
Rens Vliegenthart

This study investigates the role of public opinion for members of parliaments (MPs) in a time in which communication about the will of “the People” is high on the political agenda. By means of face-to-face elite interviews with Dutch MPs, we explore who politicians perceive as “the People,” how they assess “the will of the People,” and how this translates into their communication strategies. We find that MPs distinguish between listening to individual opinion, to understand what topics are at the forefront of “the People’s” minds, and taking political action considering a more general public. MPs are divided in their acceptance of the term “the People”—some find it useful, while others voice concerns over its antipluralistic implications. We find evidence of populist communication strategies in the form of references to public opinion across the political spectrum. Political communication is used for political marketing and to connect to the electorate. We conclude that Dutch MPs are not becoming more populist across the political spectrum, but rather that there is a tendency toward personalization and authenticity in political communication, which makes “normal” political communication appear more populist.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Kenneth M. Roberts

Abstract Polarization may be the most consistent effect of populism, as it is integral to the logic of constructing populist subjects. This article distinguishes between constitutive, spatial and institutional dimensions of polarization, adopting a cross-regional comparative perspective on different subtypes of populism in Europe, Latin America and the US. It explains why populism typically arises in contexts of low political polarization (the US being a major, if partial, outlier), but has the effect of sharply increasing polarization by constructing an anti-establishment political frontier, politicizing new policy or issue dimensions, and contesting democracy's institutional and procedural norms. Populism places new issues on the political agenda and realigns partisan and electoral competition along new programmatic divides or political cleavages. Its polarizing effects, however, raise the stakes of political competition and intensify conflict over the control of key institutional sites.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Nfn Fauzi

This study discusses the political communication of legislative candidates in influencing the political participation of the community in North Aceh District. Political communication is a process of communication or the process of giving symbols or symbols of communication containing political messages that have implications affect the attitudes and behavior of audiences who become political targets. Legislative candidates are elected by the general election through legislative elections normally proposed by political parties. This research uses survey method with mixmethod approach, quantitative and qualitative. Based on the results of the research, political communication of legislative candidates influences the political participation of the people in Aceh Utara Regency by 33.2% and the rest is influenced by other things that are not examined. Coefficient of positive value means the more effective political communication of legislative candidates, then the increasing political participation of the community. Likewise, the results of interviews with political figures show that political messages are arranged in such a way by the legislative candidates submitted at the time of the campaign either face to face or through mass media and the ability to communicate or convey messages may affect the participation of the people to vote for the legislative candidate in legislative elections.Penelitian ini membahas mengenai komunikasi politik calon legislatif dalam memengaruhi partisipasi politik masyarakat di Kabupaten Aceh Utara. Komunikasi politik merupakan suatu proses komunikasi atau proses pemberian lambang-lambang atau simbol-simbol komunikasi yang berisikan pesan-pesan politik yang memiliki implikasi memengaruhi sikap dan tingkah laku khalayak yang menjadi target politik. Calon legislatif dipilih masyarakat melalui pemilihan umum legislatif yang biasanya diajukan oleh partai politik. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode survei dengan pendekatan mixmethod, kuantitatif dan kualitatif. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, komunikasi politik calon legislatif memengaruhi partisipasi politik masyarakat di Kabupaten Aceh Utara sebesar 33,2% dan sisanya dipengaruhi hal-hal lain yang tidak diteliti. Koefisien bernilai positif artinya semakin efektif komunikasi politik calon legislatif, maka semakin meningkat partisipasi politik masyarakat. Begitu juga dengan hasil wawancara dengan tokoh politik menunjukkan bahwa pesan-pesan politik yang disusun dengan sedemikian rupa oleh calon legislatif yang disampaikan pada saat kampanye baik secara tatap muka maupun melalui media massa dan kemampuan berkomunikasi atau menyampaikan pesan dapat memengaruhi partisipasi masyarakat untuk memilih calon legislatif tersebut dalam pemilu legislatif.


Author(s):  
Néstor O. Míguez

This article will present some historical cases, some ancient, some very recent, of how such ambiguity of the religious forces and popular religiosity has played in Latin America. Through this case we will analyze how and why in “the popular” the same cultural phenomena can play sometimes a very conservative role, and then, in others, turn into a menacing power to the traditional social order. On one hand, it is a way in which conservative hegemony has captured the potential and will of the masses and used it to domesticate its claims (opium of the people). But in other cases it has stimulated the dreams and hopes, and has provided unexpected vitality to the people in their search for justice and better living conditions. The traditional aboriginal (pre-conquest) religions and worldviews, as well as new religious experiences brought by the slave trade and migrations sometimes provided myths and images that reinforced the liberating thrust of religious forces.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Maria Susana Nedo

Abstract:This study aimed at describing the interaction of the factions in the organization's decision-making process DPRD Malang; with a focus on the kind of interaction both internally and externally fraction of the party over government policies Malang in development projects / peralian traditional market status and Dinoyo Blimbing Malang into Modern market in the city of Malang. Based on the results of field research (Member of Parliament Malang in Malang Parliament Office II) and analysis of data regarding political interactions between members of the board in a fraction in DPRD Malang; especially the interactions between the factions with regard to public decision making (policy Making) in the case of market Dinoyo and Blimbing can be seen the political interaction between the factions in the organization DPRD Malang in various forms, including: conflict, Accommodation, Compromise, and the Coalition in the process of pushing or thwart development policy and the transitional status of both markets.Although the final decision through voting; DPRD Malang still approve policies Dinoyo market development and market Blimbing as the modern market, since the beginning of the discussion on the construction of two projects in the city parliament Malang occur Pros and Cons of each-each faction will be the plan. Semuannya behalf of the interests of the people to remain grounded in their respective party platforms. The difficulties in the market building approvals showed adannya interaction among factions in the party's internal and external parties on development projects in both markets. The change of final views and policies fractions as a result of lobbying-lobbying in the political interaction between factions both in the form of cooperation (Pro) and the opposition (Counter) shows the form of interaction in political communication who conducted members of the faction DPRD Malang internal and external parties resulting in a decision together though through a vote to approve the construction of traditional markets and Dinoyo Blimbing into Modern market. Keywords: Fraction of DPRD II Malang, Interaction and Political Communication, Public Decision


Author(s):  
Katimin ◽  
Syukur Kholil ◽  
Yusfriadi

The political journey of Aceh's traditional dayah ulema before, did not succeed in gaining public support in the two election periods, namely the 2009-2014 period and the 2014-2019 period. Supposedly, the politics of the Dayah ulema had the full support of the people of Aceh which incidentally were a majority Muslim. This phenomenon is influenced by various factors, including political communication. Regarding scholars as political communicators, ethics is the most important thing in determining political success. Therefore, it will be examined regarding the ethics of political communication of traditional Acehnese dayah scholars. This study uses a qualitative approach with reference to ethnographic principles. The purpose of this study is to reveal the ethics of political communication in Aceh's traditional dayah ulema in Bireuen District.The results showed that the ethics of political communication of Aceh's traditional dayah ulema in the district of Bireuen generally referred to efforts to preserve their religious status as heirs of the Prophet in the morality of al-karimah. The spirit of the cleric who made them a public figure and public opinion to attract public empathy, is considered to have used religion for political purposes. The assumption of using da'wah pulpit as a campaign media indicates that there is justification for the absence of ethical communication politics.


The consolidation of local democracy will be realized well if the political information provided by the electoral institutions and political institution through political communication can encourage people to get a 'nutrition' receive political information, so they can learn about politics. Political information in simultaneosly election is part of candidate “candidates pair” a Mayor Cimahi City can do political communication for competing to provide on political information about prospective policy choice that will be submitter later. When the political information of the citizen is fulfilled, the citizen can choose with a large responsibility and rationally to choose leader in their area, based on considerations that the common benefit of the people themselves. In 2017 is a political year for 101 regions that held the head simultaneous elections (Pilkada) throughout in Indonesia. There are 7 Provinces, 76 District and 18 Cities that participate in the simultaneous elections. One of the 18 cities that held the elections was Cimahi City. Cimahi City has a permanent voter list of 375,722 people who use its sovereignty to elect a Mayor candidate who will lead the region for the next 5 years. In the party of democracy, it is fundamental that political information becomes a reinforcement in political cognition that will be implemented in the space of political participation itself. Political education is an obligation for political organizers, especially for the General Election Commision (KPU) Cimahi City and Political Parties to provide political information to the public.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 166-184
Author(s):  
Paula Ortiz Guilián ◽  

The present work carries out an analysis of the radicalization process of the Cuban Revolution and its causes during the years from 1959 to 1961t. This process was possible in such a short time due to the con-junction of several elements: the fulfillment of the Moncada Program; the leadership of the Revolution; the position of the United States be-fore the advance of the Revolution; the aid provided by the Soviet Un-ion, as well as the correlation of forces in the world, and the position of support and endorsement of the Revolution by the people. This process was not peaceful; it was carried out in the midst of a violent class struggle and external aggression on the part of the great interests and US government, which tried to destroy the Revolution using all possi-ble means, including armed aggression. In this brief period, the revolu-tion in power managed to put an end to imperialist rule and, fundamen-tally, to capitalist exploitation, strengthening the political system of society and raising the revolutionary consciousness, as well as the po-litical culture of the people. The obtained success was largely the result of the political teaching of Fidel Castro, as well as his extraordinary personality. Fidel knew how to enhance the people's self-confidence, sense of justice, solidarity, dignity, and revolutionary firmness.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Achmad Nashrudin P.

Media with political communication activities is an inseparable relationship. Election news will be more presented in regional newspapers according to the principle of proximity in journalism, meaning that people will be interested in reading news close to him, whether geographical, cultural, sociological, or psychological closeness. Included in elections of Banten, and Radar Banten as a local media into a medium of information for the people of Banten to know the campaign event as one of the stages election. This study aims to raise the construction of Radar Banten political reality through the election of Banten Governor in 2017. The construction of reality media can be seen from the political economy media aspect, and text analysis (through discourse analysis and framing)for the news. Radar Banten is the largest local media, with 23,000 copies reaching 55,000 readers. The method used is qualitative analysis. The focus of this study is (1) knowing the position of Radar Banten in the  Political Economy Practices of Banten Election Period 2017 (2) knowing of Neutrality and Professionalism of Radar Banten, during the Pilkada Banten 2017? (3) to know the news frequencies of Candidate Pair of Governor of Banten 2017 published by Radar Banten (during campaign period)?Keywords: construction of reality media, political economicsmedia, media text, campaign, elections of Banten 2017, Radar Banten


1996 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 392-401
Author(s):  
Timothy H. Jones

In three important decisions,1 handed down on the same day in October 1994, the Australian High Court continued its exploration of the implied constitutional guarantee of freedom of political communication. Two years previously, in the judgments in Nationwide News Pty Ltd v. Wills2 and Australian Capital Television Pty Ltd v. The Commonwealth,3 a majority of the High Court had distilled an implication of freedom of political communication from the provisions and structure of the Australian Constitution.4 This was not an implication of freedom of expression generally, since it was derived from the concept of representative government which the majority considered to be enshrined in the Constitution: “not all speech can claim the protection of the constitutional implication of freedom … identified in order to ensure the efficacious working of representative democracy and government”.5 The extent of this implied constitutional guarantee was left rather unclear, since a number of different views were expressed. As Justice Toohey has now explained,6 there were two possibilities. The first was a more limited “implied freedom on the part of the people of the Commonwealth to communicate information, opinions and ideas relating to the system of representative government”. The second was a rather more expansive “freedom to communicate in relation to public affairs and political matters generally”. In the recent trilogy of cases a majority of the High Court was prepared to endorse the second of these alternatives.7 In Cunliffe v. The Commonwealth Chief Justice Mason concluded that it would be too restrictive to limit the implied freedom to “communications for the purposes of the political processes in a representative democracy”.8


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