Navigating between ‘friends’ and ‘foes’: the coalition building and networking of Italian interest groups

Author(s):  
Andrea Pritoni

This paper focuses on the reasons that Italian interest groups decide to lobby together with like-minded groups (‘friends’), or engage in networking activity with groups that have conflicting interests (‘foes’), in order to influence public policy. How often do Italian interest groups recur to these lobbying strategies? What favours the construction of a coalition of more or less different interest groups lobbying on a particular issue? What, on the contrary, influences the decision to lobby individually? In order to answer these questions, original data coming from a national survey conducted on 1277 Italian interest groups are provided. Empirical results are interesting: from a descriptive point of view, business groups are more likely to engage in joint lobbying than other group types, whereas the same holds true for unions with respect to networking with rival organizations. From an explanatory point of view, groups that perceive themselves to be threatened by rivals’ influence in policymaking, or by environmental challenges, are more likely to work in coalitions and to engage in networking: resources do not matter in ‘absolute’ and ‘objective’ terms, but in ‘relative’ and ‘subjective’ ones.

2015 ◽  
pp. 26-37
Author(s):  
V. B. Golub ◽  
V. V. Bondareva ◽  
A. N. Sorokin ◽  
L. F. Nikolaychuk

Plant communities with reed domination (Phragmites australis agg.) occupy the large areas in the Lower Volga Valley and especially in the river delta. We have set the task to reveal the diversity of these communities in the Lower Volga Valley. For this purpose, we applied the database that is registered in the Global Index of Vegetation-Plot Databases (GIVD) under the EU-RU–002 index (http://www.givd.info/) and includes 14871 relevés made during the period from 1924 to 2013. Communities with the dominance of reed were defined as such, if the coverage of this plant was more than 50 %. We have found 375 such relevés in the database. At first, one basal community, 3 associations and 3 subassociations with domination of Phragmites australis agg. were distinguished in the Lower Volga Valley. All processing and analysis of relevés were performed using the software package JUICE 7.0. (Tichý, 2002). The «Cocktail» method was applied to establish the sociological groups that indicate environmental conditions (Bruelheide, 2000). The expert system for selection from the database of relevés by means of these groups was created. It is allowed us to ascribe relevés to earlier distinguished associations, subassociations and basal community. 171 relevés have been identified by the expert system and they were assigned to association, subassociation or the basal community. 204 relevés were not referred to any association, subassociation or the basal community. We wanted to answer the question: are there among these 204 relevés, which could be interpreted as the new syntaxa, giving them the proper ecological characteristics? For this purpose, the cluster analysis of 204 relevés has been carried out. The optimal level of clustering was determined by calculating the index of “crispness of classification” (Botta-Dukát et al., 2005). The greatest “crispness of classification” was reached at allocation of 13 clusters. Consideration of the floristic composition of allocated groups had shown that 11 of them were the transitional plant communities among the earlier established syntaxa. Only two clusters were differed in rather original structure that we could explain by the influence of environment factors. We have identified them as new associations Rubio tataricae-Phragmitetum australis and Cynancho acuti-Phragmitetum australis. All associations with the dominance of Phragmites australis agg. distinguished in the Lower Volga Valley were included in the alliance Phragmition communis Koch 1926, order Phragmitetalia communis Koch 1926. In literary sources from the ecological point of view these syntaxa are defined as the wetland communities, which are closely linked to water bodies (Šumberová et al., 2011; Ermakov, 2012). However, in many cases this definition does not correspond to the ecology of plant communities with the dominance of reed in the lower reaches of the Volga River. Ecotops of these communities are flooded for up to 2–3 months in a year and then they dry out. In the autumn, the ground water level can drop to a depth of one meter (Golub et al., 2011). The plant satellites of the reed here are often mesophytic plants such as Rubus caesius, Calamagrostis epigeios, Phalaris arundinacea, Rubia tatarica, Althaea officinalis, and Rumex stenophyllus. Therefore, the inclusion of phytocoenosises with domination of the reed in the lower reaches of the Volga River in the alliance Phragmition communis is rather relative. A correct placement of these plant communities in the system of vegetation syntaxa of the arid areas can be made only if it is based on original data obtained from much bigger territory than the Lower Volga Valley. In future geobotanical studies, it is desirable to divide the aggregation of Phragmites australis agg. into smaller species taxa.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 205630512110213
Author(s):  
Alessandro Caliandro ◽  
Guido Anselmi

In this article, we argue that, in an era of platformization of culture, social media users tend to relate with brands through modalities that are more informed by platforms’ affordances (i.e., by the technical architecture of and participatory cultures thriving on social media platforms), rather than shared systems of values and meanings promulgated within brand communities or influencers’ fandoms. Our argument grounds on an analysis of 757,776 Instagram posts related to six global brands, through which we show how users create branded content by following and reproducing a memetic logic. Drawing on our empirical results and Limor Shifman’s theory of Internet memes, we introduce the notion of memetic brands. Memetic brands are collections of branded social media posts, which derive from a standard branded template that repeats from user to user with small compositional changes at every iteration and on top of which users attach expressions of their vernacular creativity. In the process, memetic brands vehiculate a hypersignification, that is, an implicit discourse on fluid and situational consumption. Through the concepts of affordances-based brand relations and memetic brands, the article contributes (from a theoretical and methodological point of view) to the emerging literature on platformization of culture.


1985 ◽  
Vol 13 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 101-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard A. Pasewark ◽  
Hugh McGinley

The 50 states were surveyed to determine the operative insanity rule and frequency and success of the insanity plea. Reflecting the dearth of information regarding this important public policy concern, only a limited number of jurisdictions could provide statistics on the plea's frequency and success. Among these, incidence of the plea was generally low, while its success rate was quite variable.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 219-237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul M. Collins

Judicial decisions play an important role in shaping public policy. Recognizing this, interest groups and other entities lobby judges in an attempt to translate their policy preferences into law. One of the primary vehicles for doing so is the amicus curiae brief. Through these legal briefs, amici can attempt to influence judicial outcomes while attending to organizational maintenance concerns. This article examines scholarship on the use of amicus briefs pertaining to five main areas: ( a) why amicus briefs are filed, ( b) who files amicus briefs and in what venues, ( c) the content of amicus briefs, ( d) the influence of amicus briefs, and ( e) normative issues implicated in the amicus practice. In addition to presenting a critical review of the scholarship in these areas, this article also provides suggestions for future research on amicus briefs.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Rachel Kahn Best

For more than a century, disease campaigns have been the causes Americans ask their neighbors to donate to and the issues that inspire them to march and volunteer. Studies of social movements, interest groups, agenda setting, and social problems tend to focus on contentious politics and study one movement or organization at a time. But these approaches cannot reveal why disease campaigns are the battles Americans can agree to fight, why some diseases attract more attention than others, and how fighting one disease at a time changes charity and public policy. Understanding the causes and effects of disease campaigns, requires studying consensus politics and collecting data on fields of organizations over long time periods.


2019 ◽  
pp. 142-189
Author(s):  
Karthik Nachiappan

In this chapter, I map how India negotiates agreements under GATT’s Uruguay Round by showing how protectionism by developed countries in the 1980s affected the Indian economy and particular sectors like textiles, agriculture and services, in turn, shaping their interests for more open trade. The arrival of a new GATT round served as an apt opportunity for the Ministry of Commerce, the institution that sought to alleviate constraints facing Indian exporters in these and other sectors influencing the pragmatic tack adopted at negotiations. India’s practical, yet sober, approach at the Uruguay Round was also influenced by domestic interest groups, specifically business groups and lobbies, who were keen to secure greater market access for their goods and services.


Author(s):  
Johannes Bubeck ◽  
Kai Jäger ◽  
Nikolay Marinov ◽  
Federico Nanni

Abstract Why do states intervene in elections abroad? This article argues that outsiders intervene when the main domestic contenders for office adopt policy positions that differ from the point of view of the outside power. It refers to the split between the government's and opposition's positions as policy polarization. Polarization between domestic political forces, rather than the degree of unfriendliness of the government in office, attracts two types of interventions: process (for or against democracy) and candidate (for or against the government) interventions. The study uses a novel, original data set to track local contenders’ policy positions. It shows that the new policy polarization measurement outperforms a number of available alternatives when it comes to explaining process and candidate interventions. The authors use this measurement to explain the behavior of the United States as an intervener in elections from 1945 to 2012. The United States is more likely to support the opposition, and the democratic process abroad, if a pro-US opposition is facing an anti-US government. It is more likely to support the government, and undermine the democratic process abroad, if a pro-US government is facing an anti-US opposition. The article also presents the results for all interveners, confirming the results from the US case.


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