The Deep Roots of Protectionism in the Southern Cone: Constituent Interests and Mercosur’s Common External Tariff

2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 69-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony A. Pezzola

AbstractThis article examines the influence of subnational economic interests on the formation of supranational trade policy in the Southern Common Market (Mercosur). Accounting for differences in the relative importance of member countries, the article argues that subnational economic interests influenced the structure of Mercosur’s common external tariff (CET). Although the CET was negotiated without direct input from voters or legislators, its structure reflects the interests of geographically specific economic interests in the member countries. The results of a regression analysis of tariffs toward nonmembers indicate that the economic composition of subnational political jurisdictions shaped the structure of the CET. These findings suggest that by overlooking subnational economic interests, much of the current literature on the evolution of Mercosur misses a critical aspect of the policymaking process.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (10) ◽  
pp. 198
Author(s):  
Galia Benítez

In the creation of trade policy, business actors have the most influence in setting policy. This article identifies and explains variations in how economic interest groups use policy networks to affect trade policymaking. This article uses formal social network analysis (SNA) to explore the patterns of articulation or a policy network between the government and business at the national level within regional trade agreements. The empirical discussion herein focuses on Brazil and the setting of exceptions list to Mercosur’s common external tariff. It specifically concentrates on the relations between the Brazilian executive branch and ten economic subsectors. The article finds that the patterns of articulation of these policy networks matter and that sectors with stronger ties to key government decision-makers have a structural advantage in influencing trade policy and obtaining and/or maintaining their desired, privileged trade policies, compared with sectors that are connected to government actors with weak decision-making power, but might have numerous and diversified connections. Therefore, sectors that have a strong pluralist–clientelist policy structure with connections to government actors with decision-making power have greater potential for achieving their target policies compared with more corporatist policy networks.



2004 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer M. Bowes ◽  
Li Qing San ◽  
May-Jane Chen ◽  
Li Yuan

The study investigates everyday parental practices involved in the transmission of cultural values and extends current literature on parenting in Chinese families. Children aged 6, 8, and 10 years from 240 Beijing families, and both their parents, were asked about ways in which expectations of child responsibility are transmitted through routine requests, reasoning, and negotiation about household work, an area in which Western parents are known to use such practices. Use of a range of parental requests and reasons was reported. Few child age or gender differences were found for reasons related to child responsibility. Child-initiated negotiation was reported as rare and unacceptable, its use restricted to tagging the relative importance of different spheres of child responsibility.



2012 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin O. Fordham ◽  
Katja B. Kleinberg

AbstractRecent research on the sources of individual attitudes toward trade policy comes to very different conclusions about the role of economic self-interest. The skeptical view suggests that long-standing symbolic predispositions and sociotropic perceptions shape trade policy opinions more than one's own material well-being. We believe this conclusion is premature for two reasons. First, the practice of using one attitude to predict another raises questions about direction of causation that cannot be answered with the data at hand. This problem is most obvious when questions about the expected impact of trade are used to predict opinions about trade policy. Second, the understanding of self-interest employed in most studies of trade policy attitudes is unrealistically narrow. In reality, the close relationship between individual economic interests and the interests of the groups in which individuals are embedded creates indirect pathways through which one's position in the economy can shape individual trade policy preferences. We use the data employed by Mansfield and Mutz to support our argument that a more complete account of trade attitude formation is needed and that in such an account economic interests may yet play an important role.1



2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (08) ◽  
pp. 723-728
Author(s):  
Heman Sarmah ◽  
◽  
Jnanashree Borah ◽  
Tirthankar Sarma ◽  
◽  
...  

The production of milk is conceived of several factors and a very multifarious process. The knowledge of relative importance of the resource inputs influencing in milk production is essential for the dairy farmer for introducing desirable change in his operation at micro level and for the policy maker for formulating plans for improvements in dairy cattle productivity based on sound economic principles at the macro level (Rao, 1985).The income level of the dairy household is determined by the production of milk they produce at their farms. Generally, the income of the dairy household increases when the milk production cost decreases or when the milk production increases .For this it is essential to study the factors which directly or indirectly effect the milk production. Household samples have been selected both from the municipal wards of Guwahati Municipal Corporation area. Out of 672 dairy farming households, 201 household have been selected for the survey. Regression analysis has been used for the study of factors affecting milk production in greater Guwahati region of Assam.



2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ευμορφία Μακαντάση

The continuing momentum in establishing Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) has triggered my interest in investigating some important theoretical aspects of both multilateralism and regionalism. In particular, this Ph.D. thesis approaches these aspects by using models which include imperfect competition in commodity markets, product differentiation and strategic behavior on the part of the economic decision makers (taken here to be governments and firms). Features, that is, which are widespread in the world we live in.The First Chapter of this thesis, “Product Differentiation and the ‘Most Favored Nation’ Clause” aims at offering a richer insight on the reasons that lie behind the adoption of the MFN tariffs by trading countries in a world where the bulk of trade is in differentiated products. Furthermore, this chapter attempts to shed light on the discussion regarding the interpretation of the term “like products”, which appears in numerous places in GATT legislation, beginning from Article I, and has yet to be interpreted by WTO panels and the Appellate Body. The remaining three chapters of the thesis are guided by the idea that a principal may benefit from passing authority or power to an agent who is different than herself. Various examples of the delegation decision process one might find specifically in managerial, labor and public economics. The mainstream of the notion of delegation in international trade literature has been addressed in preferential agreements such as customs union. One of the distinguishing characteristics of customs unions is that member-states commit themselves in setting a common external tariff (CET) or a subsidy in their trade with non-member countries. However, by explicitly recognizing the strategic aspects of trade policies, a member-state may find to its advantage to delegate authority to set the external policy to its partner. The determination of the optimal policy maker in the union that sets this common trade policy is investigated in the remaining three chapters of my thesis.The Second Chapter of the thesis, “Harmony and Disagreement in Customs Union: the Role of Demand”, examines how the level of demand can influence the choice of the policy maker as well as the cohesion of a customs union.An interesting, probably, insight of this chapter that could partially be a policy recommendation is that in periods of recession that lead to a fall in demand the strains between the union members and, particularly, between the more and the less cost efficient ones increase. In such cases, intra-union transfers from the “rich” to the “poor” might be needed in order to secure the stability and the cohesion of the union, to the benefit of all. In the Third Chapter, “Delegation in a Tripartite Customs Union”, the analysis of the previous chapter is extended to investigate how the delegation decision is affected in a customs union composed of three, rather than two, countries that differ in terms of cost efficiency. The Fourth Chapter, “International Capital Mobility and Delegation in Customs Union” focuses on the so-called “deep regionalism”, namely a set of non-tariff measures in areas such as competition policy, environmental standards ,investment and capital mobility. The most important motivation that has led to this chapter is the realization that many PTAs include agreements of this kind. Another motivation was the absence in the customs union literature of a theoretical connection between capital tax harmonization and delegation decisions in a customs union. In particular, this chapter investigates how the issue of the delegation decision in a CU that decides unanimously the common capital tax system and the tax rate against non-member countries, could be knitted with the tax competition and tax harmonization literature.



2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-44
Author(s):  
Douglas A. Irwin

This article reviews the broad changes in US trade policy over the course of the nation's history. Import tariffs have been the main instrument of trade policy and have had three main purposes: to raise revenue for the government, to restrict imports and protect domestic producers from foreign competition, and to reach reciprocity agreements that reduce trade barriers. Each of these three objectives—revenue, restriction, and reciprocity—was predominant in one of three consecutive periods in history. The political economy of these tariffs has been driven by the location of trade-related economic interests in different regions and the political power of those regions in Congress. The review also addresses the impact of trade policies on the US economy, such as the welfare costs of tariffs, the role of protectionism in fostering US industrialization, and the relationship between the Smoot–Hawley Tariff Act and the Great Depression of the 1930s.



Author(s):  
Christina L. Davis

This chapter examines Japanese trade policy to explain how economic interests and domestic political institutions have supported the resilience of free trade policies in Japan. The mercantilist ideas and the reactive state model of past years have been replaced by strong support of free trade and Kantei diplomacy to lead in setting rules for the trade regime complex. Once dependent on the United States and mired in bilateral trade friction, Japan has emerged as an active supporter of engagement with China and the pursuit of free trade agreements, alongside continued commitment to the multilateral rules. Japanese-style trade adjustment and the slow path to liberalization served to balance economic efficiency with political stability as the government has supported narrow interests along with long-term trade strategies for economic growth.



2018 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 237802311878821 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen L. Morgan

The April 2018 article of Diana Mutz “Status Threat, Not Economic Hardship, Explains the 2016 Presidential Vote,” was published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences and contradicts prior sociological research on the 2016 election. Mutz’s article received widespread media coverage because of the strength of its primary conclusion, declaimed in its title. The present article is a critical reanalysis of the models offered by Mutz, using the data files released along with her article. Contrary to her conclusions, this article demonstrates that (1) the relative importance of economic interests and status threat cannot be estimated effectively with her cross-sectional data, and (2) her panel data are consistent with the claim that economic interests are at least as important as status threat. The preexisting sociological literature has offered interpretations that incorporate economic interests and, as a result, provides a more credible explanation of the 2016 election.



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