Obamacares: Candidate Traits, Descriptive Representation, and Black Political Participation

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-380 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher T. Stout

AbstractWhile a number of studies demonstrate that black candidates have the ability to increase black political participation, a growing literature is investigatingwhydescriptive representation matters. This paper contributes to this discussion by exploring whether perceptions of candidate traits play a mediating role between the presence of an African American candidate on the ballot and increases in black political activity. I test this trait hypothesis using data from the 1992–2012 American National Election Study, a survey experiment, and statistical mediation analysis. The results indicate that perceptions of black candidates as being better leaders, more empathetic, knowledgeable, intelligent, honest, and moral explain a substantial amount of why descriptive representation increases black political participation across a range of different political activities. In the conclusion, I discuss the importance of the psychological link between blacks and their co-racial representatives in inspiring higher levels of political participation.

2012 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 189-210
Author(s):  
Randall D. Swain ◽  
Maruice Mangum

Using data from the 1996 National Black Election Study, this investigation examines the impact of two kinds of voluntary associations on electoral and non-electoral political participation among Black Americans. It does so by examining the church’s context or environment and membership in organizations. We report several significant findings. First, both types of voluntary associations—church and secular organizational membership—are positive influences on both forms of political participation. Second, memberships in secular organizations are more influential facilitators of activism among Black Americans than the church. Third, the type of voluntary association matters in terms of the kinds of political activities promoted. The church promotes political activities that call for less energy and less resources. Membership in secular organizations is related to high-intensity forms of political activity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 755-761
Author(s):  
Tasha S. Philpot

ABSTRACTWith the first female presidential candidate at the top of the Democratic ticket, the gender gap in 2016 was predicted to be the largest ever. Although the gender gap proved to be bigger than any other in recent history, with a majority of women voting for Hillary Clinton, a disaggregation of the vote by race indicated that not all women equally supported the female presidential candidate. This suggests the existence of a racialized gender gap not previously explored by extant research. Thus, this article explores the nature of this interracial gender gap by examining the political evaluations of men and women, by race, in the 2016 presidential election. Using data from the 2016 American National Election Study (ANES) Time Series Study merged with the ANES Cumulative Data File (1948–2012), predictors of the gender gap were explored and the circumstances under which an interracial gender gap can be narrowed were examined.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 983-990
Author(s):  
Nicole Kalaf-Hughes ◽  
Debra Leiter

AbstractThe United States has the highest number of COVID-19 cases, yet many Americans have responded indifferently toward policies designed to combat the spread of the virus. While nearly all 50 states have implemented some type of stay-at-home policy to encourage social distancing, there has been high variation in the degree of compliance. We argue that this variance is partly driven by gender resentment. Gender resentment reduces trust in female political leaders and thus decreases compliance with government policy and recommendations. Using data from SafeGraph and the 2016 American National Election Study, we demonstrate that the effect of stay-at-home policies on social distancing is reduced when gender resentment increases in states with female leaders. However, when gender resentment is low, there is no difference in the effect of policies on behavior. This research has important implications for understanding unseen barriers that can mediate the efficacy of female political leaders.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (03) ◽  
pp. 456-461 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Wray-Lake ◽  
Daniel Hart

AbstractSocial class differences in civic engagement persist for both youth and adults. Although empirical evidence is mixed, several recent social changes pertaining to youth suggest that social inequalities in civic engagement may be growing over time for young people. Using data from the National Election Study, we compared trends for youth and older adults of varying education levels and tested the hypothesis of an increasing educational disparity in youth political participation. Results for voting supported our expectations: declines over time were found for less-educated youth only. Unexpectedly, participation in other political activities for more-educated youth declined more over time compared to other groups. Our findings highlight the need to create equal opportunities for youth civic engagement across social groups.


Author(s):  
Mark Bovens ◽  
Anchrit Wille

With the help of social survey data, we investigate educational differences in political participation. We look at a range of political activities: spectator activities, voting, membership of political parties, and non-electoral activities, such as signing petitions and joining demonstrations, boycotts and buycotts. Also, we investigate new forms of political engagement, such as internet activism and participation in deliberative settings. Educational differences are manifest in almost all forms of political activity. But for some forms, especially the newer ones, the gap is larger than for others. The well-educated are not only over-represented in numbers; they also are more active, on average, than those with lesser educational qualifications. The more demanding the act of participation is, the more likely it is it will be disproportionately engaged in by higher educated citizens.


Res Publica ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-140
Author(s):  
Anne Cleymans

The object of this article is to focus on a survey on political participation in Belgium in the mid seventies. By political participation, the author refers to a set of political  activities - conventional and less conventional, electoral and pre-electoral - which are hierarchical structured on a Guttman scale.Although the research is more or less unique - in Belgian terms - in this respect, the results are at first glance compatible with earlier findings. Most Belgians are rather passive citizens; 30 % of the survey sample performs none of the activities integrated in the scale.A closer look learns that male, middle aged citizens with some education and a decent job are most involved in polities, but it reveals also that gender, age, socio-economie class and educational attainment are not the one and only reliable predictors of political  activity.


2011 ◽  
pp. 129-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian S. Krueger

While more is probably known about the causes of political participation than any other political behavior, the research program suffers in that it generally assumes citizens operate within an unproblematic surveillance context. This chapter argues that the growing use of the Internet for political participation and the government’s expanded electronic surveillance capacities make this assumption increasingly dubious. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s insights concerning surveillance and resistance, I develop empirical hypotheses related to surveillance and Internet political participation. Testing these hypotheses using data derived from a unique probability sample survey of U.S. Internet users, surveillance is shown to influence online political activity. Those who oppose the current administration, and who perceive the government monitors their Internet behavior, participate in politics online at the highest rates. Next, I test whether perceptions of online surveillance lead to a similar higher probability of conventional offline political activity. The results suggest that for those opposed to the regime’s policies, online surveillance increases the likelihood of engagement in offline political participation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-52
Author(s):  
Jamil Scott ◽  
Nadia Brown ◽  
Lorrie Frasure ◽  
Dianne Pinderhughes

While the candidate emergence literature has provided explanations as to why women do not run or think about running for office, we are still learning about the reasons why they do. This question is of interest for the political candidacy of Black women, as this group is most represented among women of color in political office and their numbers continue to grow. Furthermore, because there is evidence that Black women’s entry into politics is distinct from other groups, it is important to explore how Black women come to participate in politics. The authors examine the extent to which Black women’s level of civic engagement influences their likelihood of considering political office compared to other groups of women. They theorize that running for office is a form of political participation and that previous political activity can act as a predictor for political ambition. The authors explore the likelihood that civic engagement matters for Black women being asked to run and considering running for office on their own. Using data from the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS), a unique dataset that provides a large and generalizable sample of racial and ethnic groups in the United States, the authors examine political ambition beyond the groups that have traditionally run for political office. In sum, our data indicates that political participation significantly predicts being asked to run and thinking about running for office. These results reveal the importance of thinking beyond the traditional candidacy pool and how sociopolitical factors matter for key determinants of seeking political office (being asked and having considered running).


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 667-690
Author(s):  
Jacob M Montgomery ◽  
Erin L Rossiter

Abstract One of the most difficult tasks facing survey researchers is balancing the imperative to keep surveys short with the need to measure important concepts accurately. Not only are long batteries prohibitively expensive but lengthy surveys can also lead to less informative answers from respondents. Yet, scholars often wish to measure traits that require a multi-item battery. To resolve these contradicting constraints, we propose the use of adaptive inventories. This approach uses computerized adaptive testing methods to minimize the number of questions each respondent must answer while maximizing the accuracy of the resulting measurement. We provide evidence supporting the utility of adaptive inventories through an empirically informed simulation study, an experimental study, and a detailed case study using data from the 2016 American National Election Study (ANES) Pilot. The simulation and experiment illustrate the superior performance of adaptive inventories relative to fixed-reduced batteries in terms of precision and accuracy. The ANES analysis serves as an illustration of how adaptive inventories can be developed and fielded and also validates an adaptive inventory with a nationally representative sample. Critically, we provide extensive software tools that allow researchers to incorporate adaptive inventories into their own surveys.


The Forum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shanto Iyengar ◽  
Masha Krupenkin

Abstract Partisanship continues to divide Americans. Using data from the American National Election Study, as well as implicit attitude tests, we argue that Americans’ partisan identity has become highly salient. Partisans have become more negative towards the opposing party on both explicit and implicit measures, and these biases spill over into their everyday decisions. Partisanship has become one of Americans’ most salient social identities.


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