Reflections on Race and Ethnicity in North Africa Towards a Conceptual Critique of the Arab–Berber Divide

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-288
Author(s):  
Mohamad Amer Meziane
Keyword(s):  
North Africa ◽  
Race And Ethnicity ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
French Colonialism ◽  
Cultural Minority ◽  
The Status ◽  
French Colonial ◽  
Definition Of

AbstractThis essay argues that the usages of the divide between Berbers and Arabs by the Algerian government and Berber activists alike should be analyzed in light of the transformation of the Imazighen into a cultural minority by the nation-state. The nation-state's definition of the majority as Arab, as well as the very concept of a minority, has shaped both the status and the grammar of the Arab-Berber divide in ways that are irreducible to how this binary functioned under French colonialism. In order to understand the distinct modes by which these categories function in Algeria today, one needs to analyze how the language of the nation-state determines their grammar, namely how they are deployed within this political context. Hence, by focusing primarily on French colonial representations of race such as the Kabyle Myth and by asserting simplified colonial continuities, the literature fails to make sense of the political centrality of the nation-state in the construction of the Amazigh question.

The Ottoman Government and the Sanusiyya: A Reappraisal

1989 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michel Le Gall
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
North African ◽  
World War ◽  
French Colonialism ◽  
French Colonial

The historiography of the Sanusiyya, if one can apply such a term to the literary crop of roughly a century dealing with this North Africantarīqa(pl.turuq, Sufi brotherhood), falls into three distinct categories. The earliest writings appeared in the 1880s, thirty years after the tariqa had taken root in Cyrenaica (then the Ottoman province of Benghazi). The works of French authors such as Charmes, Rinn, Duveyrier, Le Chatelier, and co-authors Depont and Coppolani were all marked by the concerns of the French colonial and protectorate authorities in Algeria and Tunisia. According to Duveyrier, a Saharan explorer of repute and the crudest exponent of this group's views, not only were the Sanusis a band of fanatics given to murdering innocent missionaries and explorers, but they were also in the vanguard of the turuq inspired by the Pan-Islamic rhetoric of the Ottoman sultan and aligned against French colonialism in Muslim North Africa. Only this combination of factors could account for the pervasive and determined resistance to French policies in the region. Along with the Sanusiyya, Duveyrier singled out for attack a North African sheikh and confidant of the Ottoman sultan, Muhammad Zafir al-Madani. Charmes, Rinn, Le Chatelier, and Depont and Coppolani, while less vitriolic in their tone, certainly had the same general approach. The analysis of this “Algerian school” was dismissed at the turn of the century by two eminent Orientalists, Christiaan Snouck Hugronje and Carl Heinrich Becker.3A generation later, European fears of the turuq diminished in the wake of World War I, as new ideologies and forces came to dominate a transformed Pan-Islamism. This notwithstanding, some of the suppositions of the early French authors were adopted by later scholars and have since been quoted and requoted.

Morfologie van de uiterst-rechtse groeperingen in België

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 23 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 373-407
Author(s):  
Peter Verlinden
Keyword(s):  
Systematic Review ◽  
Small Groups ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Youth Organizations ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Youth Organization ◽  
Definition Of

White a generally acknowledged definition of «right» and «extreme right» does not exist, an external definition was accepted, departing from what the most important authors accepted as being «right and extreme right wing groups» in Belgium.In Flandern the most important ones situate themselves within the «Flemish Movement», although being a small part of this Movement.  These groupings are classified into three categories : groups oriented towards the Flemish-Nationalistic past, students- and youth-organizations, and the recently activist groups.In Brussels and Wallonia two initiatives delineate this political field : Le Nouvel Europe Magazine, a well distributed monthly magazine, and the Front de la Jeunesse, initially founded as the youth organization of the magazine.The relevance of these rather small groups must be seen on two levels : that of the global Belgian political context, and on the level of the political Flemish Movement. To analyse strictly the amount of that influence needs more than a systematic review of the groupings that operate on this specific political field in Belgium last year.

‘Mission Civilisatrice’: French Cultural Policy in the Middle East, 1860–1914

1986 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathew Burrows
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Policy ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Aspects ◽  
French Colonialism ◽  
French Empire ◽  
The Third ◽  
Colonial Expansion ◽  
French Colonial ◽  
Cultural Components

Mission civilisatnce was one of the bywords of French colonial expansion under the Third Republic. Unfortunately until now there have been few works devoted to its study. Indeed, the notion itself has not been taken very seriously by scholars. As long ago as 1960 when Henri Brunschwig published his seminal work on French colonialism, he stated quite categorically: ‘en Angleterre la justification humanitaire l'emporta’ while ‘en France le nationalisme de 1870 domina’ even if that nationalism ‘ne s'exprima presque jamais sans une mention de cette “politique indigène” qui devait remplir les devoirs du civilisé envers des populations plus arriérées.’ Since then academics both in France and outside have tended to concentrate (in what few works have been written on French colonialism) on the political and economic aspects of the French Empire to the detriment of its cultural components.

scholarly journals Formation’s Principles of the Judiciary of Ukraine

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (6) ◽  
pp. 1001-1009
Author(s):  
Vitaliy Hudyma
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Professional Competence ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Supreme Council ◽  
The Status ◽  
Definition Of

The article reveals and researches the basic principles of the formation of the judiciary in Ukraine. It is established that judicial corps should be understood as an appropriate number of civil servants who hold the relevant positions as judges in the judicial bodies of Ukraine. It has been proved that judges make universally binding decisions, which determine, for example, other processes of maintaining law and order in the state. It is determined that the legislation lacks a clear definition of the term “judiciary” and lacks the primary grounds and principles by which the process of formation of the judicial corps in Ukraine should take place. It is established that the principles of formation of the judiciary in Ukraine should be based on the requirements for candidates for the position of judges, which are defined by Article 69, “Requirements for candidates for the position of the judge” of the Law of Ukraine “On Judiciary and the Status of Judges”. It is proved that one of the components of the procedure for the formation of the judiciary in Ukraine is the qualification assessment of candidates for the position of judges. It was found out that the qualification assessment of judges by the criterion of professional competence should be based on the principle of specialization and instance. It is established that the main principles based on which the appointment of judges-candidates for the positions of members of the Supreme Council of Justice are: the principle of the rule of law; the principle of professionalism; the principle of publicity; the principle of political neutrality. It is determined that one of the critical principles of formation of the judiciary in Ukraine should be the principle of non-political influence, namely its essence is revealed in the fact that entities that will participate both directly and indirectly in the formation of the judiciary should not, in any case, have any relation to the political sphere. It is noted that the prospects for further research in this area are the study of the holistic system and features of the formation of the judiciary in Ukraine.

scholarly journals Japan’s political solution in Vietnam from March 1945 to August 1945

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 82-93
Author(s):  
Ca Van Phan
Keyword(s):  
Historical Context ◽  
Standing Position ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Japanese Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial Administration ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
French Colonial ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Way

After the coup d'etat of the French colonial administration in Indochina ending the period of Japan-France co-governing, the Japanese government publicized its policy to support the foundation of Vietnam’s “independence”. However, the overall view of the political context of the time, the establishment of the Bao Dai-Tran Trong Kim government is a Japanese solution to Vietnam’s situation in the post-coup d'etat period. This solution stemmed from the plans of the Japanese ruling authorities and the specific historical context in Vietnam at that time. For Japan, the ultimate goal which needed to be reached after the coup was not to affect the effort of the war. For France, not only they lost colonies but also their standing position was underestimated in the eyes of the colonists. For the relationship between Japan and Vietnam, the nature and its motive would change in the way as it should have been.

scholarly journals Rāṅgey Rāghav’s Literary Biographies, Loī kā tānā and Ratnā kī bāt, in the 1950s and the Debates on the Status of Indian Women and Dalits

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabio Mangraviti
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Literary Biography ◽  
Indian Women ◽  
The Status ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Literary Biographies

The article proposes to investigate the political and ideological uses of Hindi literary biography, with focus on two texts by Rāṅgey Rāghav, Loī kā tānā (“Loi’s Warp’’) and Ratnā kī bāt (“Ratna’s Speech”), based on lives of Kabir and Tulsīdās respectively. The relevance of Rāghav’s biographies goes beyond the merely literary and derives from the ideological and political functions played by these texts in the period they were written. Viewed by Rāghav as complementary works with a didactic and ideological value, they move away from the ‘brahmanical’ interpretations of the early modern Hindi poets by scholars of the 1920s and 1930s. To understand Rāghav’s motives and strategies, one needs to examine the ideological and political context in which he recast values linked to the main figures of the early modern devotional (bhakti) literature. As the 1950s witnessed debates on the status of Indian women and Dalit communities, the same becoming crucial to Hindi literary sphere, special attention needs to be paid to the representation, in Rāghav’s biographies, of Loī and Ratnā—Kabīr’s and Tulsīdās’ wives respectively—who embody some of the politically and ideologically progressive slogans which Rāghav projected on to these poets. The present work, based on recent studies on literary biography (Benton 2005, 2011, Middlebrook 2006, Miller 2001), is also an attempt to investigate some of the intellectual and ideological aporias which seem to have affected Hindi literary progressivism since the first decades of the postcolonial period.

Irom Sharmila’s Struggle against Military Repression: A Critique

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-181
Author(s):  
Nandita Haksar
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Way

This article argues that although Irom Sharmila’s 16-year-old fast from November 2000 to August 2016 has earned her the status of an icon of non-violent protest, yet she did not seek these appellations; her only aim was to put moral pressure on the government to repeal the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958. The article seeks to assess the efficacy of Irom Sharmila’s protest and how far it has helped or hindered in mobilizing public opinion against the Act. It propounds that the publicity around Irom Sharmila put her on a pedestal and trapped her in her own image, made invisible entire histories of sufferings of people in the northeast, including Manipur, and their struggles against the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. The gains of many struggles and efforts were wiped out of the collective memory of the nation and the only image of Manipur was this frail woman with a tube hanging from her nose. The article also argues that there is a kind of fetish in the way the media celebrates non-violence without reference to the political context.

scholarly journals State-society nexus in Brazil and Venezuela and its effect on participatory governance efforts in health and other sectors

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Qamar Mahmood ◽  
Carles Muntaner
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Politics ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Social Power ◽  
Health Sector ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Participatory Governance ◽  
The Status ◽  
Health Decision ◽  
Social Empowerment

Abstract Introduction Participatory governance is about state and society jointly responsible for political decisions and services. The origins and trajectory of participatory governance initiatives are determined by the socio-political context and specifically the nature of state-society relations. Participation by communities in health interventions has been promoted globally as a strategy to involve citizens in health decision-making but with little success. Such participatory governance in health should be seen not as a strategy alone but as a political project in which organized communities challenge the status-quo in health. Methods This paper deals with the wider socio-political context of participatory governance initiatives. It uses comparative politics literature to analyze socio-political context in Brazil and Venezuela, historically spanning half century prior to 2015, to assess whether it was conducive to participatory governance. The focus of this paper’s analysis particularly is on the socio-political changes that were taking place in Brazil and Venezuela in the decades of the 1980s and 1990s. Those decades formed the bedrock on which the two countries experienced democratization and a socialist transformation that has lasted well into the first decade of the twenty-first century. The situation in the health sector is also described for the two countries showing a parallel trajectory to the wider political context and that reflected the political ideology. For this assessment, we use a contemporary framework called the ‘socialist compass’ which links dynamics of power relations in various ways among three domains of power, namely, state power, economic power, and social power. Socialist compass can be used to assess whether such reforms are moving towards or against social empowerment. Conclusion Our analysis reveals that both Brazil and Venezuela were moving in the direction of social empowerment until at least the year 2015, just before the political turmoil started engulfing the left-leaning regimes in both the countries.

scholarly journals Polityka wyznaniowa w myśli austriackiej Partii Chrześcijańsko-Społecznej w latach 1918−1934

2017 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 35-51
Author(s):  
Piotr Bukowczyk
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Policy ◽  
Italian Fascism ◽  
The Social ◽  
First Republic ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Impact

Religious policy in the thought of the Austrian Christian Social Party 1918−1934In the paper I present the vision of a relation between the state and religious denominations and the status of atheists and free-thinkers delineated in the political thought of the Christian Social Party Christlichsoziale Partei, active in Austria-Hungary and the First Republic of Austria, Christian-democratic, after 1931 influenced by Italian fascism and inclining towards authoritarianism. I infer it from its propaganda materials books, brochures, press articles, leaflets, posters and legislation enacted under its governmentI also show the impact of the social, cultural and political context on the postulates of the Christian Social Party with regard to religious policy.

scholarly journals Mediation in criminal proceedings

2021 ◽  
pp. 308-312
Author(s):  
P.D. Denisyuk
Keyword(s):  
Restorative Justice ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Criminal Procedure ◽  
Research Topic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Criminal Proceedings ◽  
Political Will ◽  
The Status ◽  
Scientific Reflection ◽  
Definition Of

Іn the article the author investigates the institute of mediation, which acquires its development not only in civil and commercial proceedings, but also in criminal proceedings and is a manifestation of the concept of restorative justice. As a confirmation of the relevance of the research topic, judicial statistics of consideration of materials of criminal proceedings on the basis of agreements by courts of first instance are given, which confirms the necessity and importance of such a legal institution.The norms of international normative legal acts, where the institute of mediation was embodied, are analyzed. Also are considered the main provisions on the application of agreements in the criminal procedure legislation of Ukraine. It was stated that mediation is possible within the framework of the conciliation agreement.The opinion is expressed that the application of the relevant legal institution in criminal proceedings will facilitate the adoption of a special law «Mediation» and analyzed the lawmaking in this area. The next step could be amending the criminal procedure legislation of Ukraine. Number of issues need to be clarified, including: what will be the status of a mediator in criminal proceedings (his rights and responsibilities, guarantees of independence, etc.); what is the procedural order of mediation; what is the procedural form of completion of the mediation procedure and some others.Particular attention is paid to the definition of a person who can be a mediator and his legal status in criminal proceedings. The positions of scientists who believe that mediators can be prosecutors, lawyers and psychologists are considered. The opinion was expressed regarding the acquisition of special education by such a person and the acquisition of relevant knowledge and skills.It is concluded that the punitive-repressive approach to counteracting the commission of crimes is not effective enough, so it is necessary to introduce mechanisms of alternative conflict resolution procedures, in particular, medi-ation. At the same time, implementation of mediation requires further scientific reflection and discussion, as well as the political will of the legislator to adopt the relevant law and amend the criminal procedure legislation.

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