Fantasy, Irony, and Economic Justice in Aristophanes'AssemblywomenandWealth

2006 ◽  
Vol 100 (3) ◽  
pp. 319-333 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN ZUMBRUNNEN

In his final two surviving plays,AssemblywomenandWealth, Aristophanes turns his comic art toward a consideration of the possibilities of radical economic change. His presentation of those possibilities has been read as either indulging in fantasy or as ironically reinforcing the economic status quo. This essay argues that the two plays in fact work to instill in their audience a complex and challenging sensibility that holds fantasy and irony in tension with one another. Drawing on recent arguments about the relationship and relative priority of economic redistribution and cultural recognition as political goals, I suggest that this sensibility provides an attractive model for theorists and ordinary citizens alike as they grapple with issues of economic and social justice.

Author(s):  
Amaney A. Jamal

This chapter provides a detailed account of how ordinary citizens rationalize their political preferences. First, it documents the causal logics citizens employ when supporting the monarchy in Jordan. It illustrates how people who believe that the current regime has privileged and important relations with the United States may come to support a regime even when it is otherwise not in their apparent interest. This is so because they fear the role anti-American Islamists may play in harming the relationship if they come to power. Furthermore, the chapter demonstrates that this is not the case in Kuwait, because the Islamist opposition is pro-American. Second, it examines the ways citizens who oppose the regime in Jordan cling to an elastic definition of Sharia, one that seeks to challenge the geopolitical status quo altogether. This chapter relies on a series of open-ended interviews conducted by two research teams in Jordan and Kuwait.


2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-317
Author(s):  
Osahon O. Guobadia

A new constitutional democracy was established in Nigeria on 29 May 1999. This Fourth Republic was founded upon the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) which unshackled the judiciary from the bondage of military decrees. This also brought excitement to the citizenry which finds expression in the belief that the judiciary, their last bastion of succour, is now poised to intervene in the inevitable tussle between might and the exercise of new democratic tenets. These tenets encompass the ideals of economic justice, political justice and social justice. 1 1 C. C. Nweze, ‘Judicial Sustainability of Constitutional Democracy in Nigeria: A Response to the Phonographic Theory of the Judicial Function’, in E. S. Nwauche and F. I. Asogwah (eds), Essays in Honour of Professor C. O. Okunkwo, (SAN) Jite Books (2000), p. 225. Against the backdrop of this reality, the article will examine the extent to which the judiciary in Nigeria has performed its constitutional role as an independent arm of government towards ensuring the observance of democratic values in a free, open, humane and civilised society.


Author(s):  
Thomas C. Berg

By now, it is a commonplace of the American religious scene that the majority of the nation's white Protestant Christians are split into “two parties.” The ideological dividing line runs between “mainline” denominations—Methodists, Presbyterians, Episcopalians—and a bevy of conservative denominations and groups, but it also cuts through the mainline itself, which contains a substantial contingent of conservatives.Among the two parties' numerous disagreements, theological and political, few have run deeper and longer than their difference over the meaning and importance of evangelism, the activity of “proclaiming the gospel” to those outside the Christian community. Is the church's prime call in this regard to seek conversions to the Christian faith, or is it to show the love of Christ by working for charitable goals and social justice? A well-known 1973 study of Presbyterian clergy found that the greatest polarization between self-described “conservatives” and “liberals” came over the relative priority of evangelism and social action. Indeed, the fight over these goals was an important (though by no means the only) factor precipitating the “split” early in this century.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lou Safra ◽  
Coralie Chevallier ◽  
Amine Sijilmassi

A correlational study to test the relationship between socio-economic status and reactivity to threats.


Author(s):  
Dominik Hauptvogel ◽  
Susanne Bartels ◽  
Dirk Schreckenberg ◽  
Tobias Rothmund

Aircraft noise exposure is a health risk and there is evidence that noise annoyance partly mediates the association between noise exposure and stress-related health risks. Thus, approaches to reduce annoyance may be beneficial for health. Annoyance is influenced by manifold non-acoustic factors and perceiving a fair and trustful relationship between the airport and its residents may be one of them. The distribution of aircraft noise exposure can be regarded as a fairness dilemma: while residents living near an airport may seem to have some advantages, the majority of residents living under certain flight routes or in their immediate proximity suffer from the disadvantages of the airport, especially the noise. Moreover, a dilemma exists between the airport’s beneficial economic impact for a region and the physical and psychological integrity of residents. Aircraft noise exposure through the lens of social justice research can help to improve our understanding of noise annoyance. Research indicates that the fairness perceptions of the parties involved can be enhanced by (a) improving individual cost–benefit ratios, (b) providing a fair procedure for deciding upon the noise distribution, and (c) implementing fair social interaction with residents. Based on the review of evidence from social justice research, we derive recommendations on how fairness aspects can be integrated into aircraft noise management with the purpose of improving the relationship between the airport and its residents, to reduce annoyance, and to enhance the acceptance of local aviation and the airport as a neighbor.


2021 ◽  
pp. 136843022110203
Author(s):  
Samantha K. Stanley

Those on the political right engage in greater meat consumption and animal exploitation than their left-wing counterparts. Previous research suggests this is because they view vegetarianism as threatening the nation’s dietary customs and economy. Across two studies, I extend this concept of “vegetarianism threat” by showing that it separates into two distinct dimensions of concern: cultural (symbolic) threats and economic (realistic) threats. The resultant multidimensional scale allows a finer grained understanding of the roots of ideology-based threat responses to meat-free movements. Together, results implicate symbolic concerns as the key element of vegetarianism threat contributing to negative attitudes towards meat abstention and its proponents.


2011 ◽  
Vol 26 (S2) ◽  
pp. 1795-1795
Author(s):  
D. Bhugra

IntroductionWith the process of globalisation in full flow, the movement of people and products across the globe has brought a series of difficulties. With migration the socio-economic status of the individuals may change with the likelihood that this status will be lower rather than higher, although depending upon the reasons for migration this may change too.ObjectivesLiterature shows that low socio-economic status is associated with a higher level of psychiatric morbidity.AimsWhether migration acts as a mediator needs to be investigated further.MethodsVarious studies have shown that rates of psychosis are elevated in migrants though these rates are differentially increased in different groups indicating that factors other than migration may be at play.ResultsIn this presentation the literature and link the acculturation and cultural identity with post-migration experiences will be reviewed.ConclusionA link exists between the perceptions within cultures and level of economic development of what constitutes mental health. The state of advancement of mental health services of a country will certainly have a large impact on prevalence rates. Further investigation should be carried out to examine in greater depth the relationship between social inequality and disorder prevalence, as distinct from income inequality.


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-65
Author(s):  
Mary Varghese ◽  
Kamila Ghazali

Abstract This article seeks to contribute to the existing body of knowledge about the relationship between political discourse and national identity. 1Malaysia, introduced in 2009 by Malaysia’s then newly appointed 6th Prime Minister Najib Razak, was greeted with expectation and concern by various segments of the Malaysian population. For some, it signalled a new inclusiveness that was to change the discourse on belonging. For others, it raised concerns about changes to the status quo of ethnic issues. Given the varying responses of society to the concept of 1Malaysia, an examination of different texts through the critical paradigm of CDA provide useful insights into how the public sphere has attempted to construct this notion. Therefore, this paper critically examines the Prime Minister’s early speeches as well as relevant chapters of the socioeconomic agenda, the 10th Malaysia Plan, to identify the referential and predicational strategies employed in characterising 1Malaysia. The findings suggest a notion of unity that appears to address varying issues.


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