Citizen Duty and the Ethical Power of Communities: Mixed-Method Evidence from East Asia

2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 1047-1065 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aram Hur

Why do citizens choose to comply in democracies, even when coercion is limited? Existing answers focus on contractual trust or expected payoffs. I show that a different pathway exists in the ethical pull of the nation. A large literature in political theory argues that special communities, such as the nation, can instill an ethical obligation to the collective welfare, even in the absence of formal rules. I argue that when the identities of one’s nation and the state are seen as closely linked, this national obligation is politicized towards the state and motivates a sense of citizen duty to comply. Through statistical modeling and a pair of experiments in South Korea versus Taiwan – two otherwise similar democracies that contrast in nation-state linkage – I show that this ethical pathway is likely real and highly contextual. The findings help us better understand the varied bases of citizen compliance in democracies.

Author(s):  
Santana Khanikar

If the state in democracies like India engages in violence, then is this state still accepted by the people? The conception of legitimacy in this study is about observable behaviour, about if and why people accept power holders as authority, and not about whether it is the ideal way to engage with violent power holders within the discourses of normative political theory. And what we see in both the field-sites of this study, is acceptance, though it may be slow and appear flickering or contextual at time. The specific vision that the nation-state is, marked by geographical boundaries and internal sovereignty often needs to use violence to legitimize its existence. Such use of violence does not appear to be leading to a dis-illusionment with the form or the institutions of the state.


2003 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 461-491 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chaibong Hahm ◽  
Wooyeal Paik

One of the fascinating theoretical questions posed by the spread of industrialization and today's nation-state-building process is how these originally Western and quintessentially modern institutions come to take root in other civilizations. The question becomes even more intriguing when the process of adaptation is unusually swift and successful as in East Asia. In Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore, the states and peoples had scant time to learn and absorb modern practices, norms, and concepts before undertaking, or being subjected to, countless reforms and revolutions in the name of “modernization.” How, or in what terms, did the people in this “great transformation” understand and interpret what they were doing? If the as-yet imperfectly understood concepts and values could not be appealed to, what resources—intellectual and ethico-moral—were at their disposal to use to motivate themselves and persuade others to undertake or endure such massive changes?


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Armstrong

A number of hugely valuable natural resources fall outside of the borders of any nation state. We can legitimately expect political theory to make a contribution to thinking through questions about the future of these extraterritorial resources. However, the debate on the proper allocation of rights over these resources remains relatively embryonic. This paper will bring together what have often been rather scattered discussions of rights over extraterritorial resources. It will first sketch some early modern contributions to thinking through rights over the ocean. It then discusses the guidance available within more contemporary contributions to debates on resources beyond the state. Finally, it concludes by emphasising the key questions with which future work on this topic must engage.


2002 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 354-364
Author(s):  
Lamont Dehaven King

This paper examines the relationship between the ethnic group, the nation, and the state. In addition to the analysis of related concepts such as modes of production and world-systems theory, it uses examples from precolonial Northern Nigeria to emphasize how multi-ethnic states existed in Africa prior to the development of global capitalism and the imposition of the colonial state. In so doing, it challenges the standard notion that the nation-state first emerged in Europe after the French Revolution. Instead, it offers a conceptualization of patriotism as identification with the state, which is distinct from nationalism and it also suggests areas of research in which this conceptualization of patriotism might be fruitfully applied.


2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdul Halim

Abstract: Constructing a Political Theory af Islamic Law in Indonesia. This study confirms that the transformation of Islamic law into national law has no correlation with the struggle towards an Islamic country or Islam as the foundation of the state. Islamic law legislation are regulations that have a positive contribution to strengthening the commitment of Muslims towards the Indonesian nation-state. This study refutes the notion that the accommodation of Islamic law within legislation is an agenda aiming towards an Islamic state. The process of accommodation of Islamic law does not need to be feared, because the process is supported by the power of cultural Islam. Besides, Islamic law is at the legal source level so that the accommodation into pre-legislation undergoesstringent testing in order to always be in accordance with Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution.Keywords: politic law, legislation, Islamic law, constitutional theory and the theory of accommodationAbstrak: Membangun Teori Politik Hukum Islam di Indonesia. Studi ini menegaskan bahwa transformasi hukum Islam ke dalam hukum nasional tidak memiliki hubungan dengan perjuangan menuju negara Islam atau Islam sebagai dasar negara. Legislasi hukum Islam menjadi perundang-undangan memiliki kontribusi positif dalam memperkuat komitmen umat Islam terhadap negara kebangsaan Indonesia. Studi ini membantah pendapat yang menyatakan bahwa akomodasi hukum Islam oleh peraturan perundang-undangan merupakan agenda menuju negara Islam. Proses akomodasi hukum Islam tidak perlu dikhawatirkan karena proses itu didorong oleh kekuatan Islam kultural. Selain itu, hukum Islam berada pada tataran sumber hukum sehingga akomodasinya ke dalam perundang-undangan terlebih dahulu mengalami pengujian yang ketat agar selalu sesuai dengan Pancasila dan UUD 1945.Kata Kunci: politik hukum, legislasi, hukum islam, teori konstitusi dan teori akomodasiDOI: 10.15408/ajis.v13i2.938


Author(s):  
Andrew Logie

In current day South Korea pseudohistory pertaining to early Korea and northern East Asia has reached epidemic proportions. Its advocates argue the early state of Chosŏn to have been an expansive empire centered on mainland geographical Manchuria. Through rationalizing interpretations of the traditional Hwan’ung- Tan’gun myth, they project back the supposed antiquity and pristine nature of this charter empire to the archaeological Hongshan Culture of the Neolithic straddling Inner Mongolia and Liaoning provinces of China. Despite these blatant spatial and temporal exaggerations, all but specialists of early Korea typically remain hesitant to explicitly label this conceptualization as “pseudohistory.” This is because advocates of ancient empire cast themselves as rationalist scholars and claim to have evidential arguments drawn from multiple textual sources and archaeology. They further wield an emotive polemic defaming the domestic academic establishment as being composed of national traitors bent only on maintaining a “colonial view of history.” The canon of counterevidence relied on by empire advocates is the accumulated product of 20th century revisionist and pseudo historiography, but to willing believers and non-experts, it can easily appear convincing and overwhelming. Combined with a postcolonial nationalist framing and situated against the ongoing historiography dispute with China, their conceptualization of a grand antiquity has gained bipartisan political influence with concrete ramifications for professional scholarship. This paper seeks to introduce and debunk the core, seemingly evidential, canon of arguments put forward by purveyors of Korean pseudohistory and to expose their polemics, situating the phenomenon in a broader diagnostic context of global pseudohistory and archaeology.


Author(s):  
Ruth Kinna

This book is designed to remove Peter Kropotkin from the framework of classical anarchism. By focusing attention on his theory of mutual aid, it argues that the classical framing distorts Kropotkin's political theory by associating it with a narrowly positivistic conception of science, a naively optimistic idea of human nature and a millenarian idea of revolution. Kropotkin's abiding concern with Russian revolutionary politics is the lens for this analysis. The argument is that his engagement with nihilism shaped his conception of science and that his expeditions in Siberia underpinned an approach to social analysis that was rooted in geography. Looking at Kropotkin's relationship with Elisée Reclus and Erico Malatesta and examining his critical appreciation of P-J. Proudhon, Michael Bakunin and Max Stirner, the study shows how he understood anarchist traditions and reveals the special character of his anarchist communism. His idea of the state as a colonising process and his contention that exploitation and oppression operate in global contexts is a key feature of this. Kropotkin's views about the role of theory in revolutionary practice show how he developed this critique of the state and capitalism to advance an idea of political change that combined the building of non-state alternatives through direct action and wilful disobedience. Against critics who argue that Kropotkin betrayed these principles in 1914, the book suggests that this controversial decision was consistent with his anarchism and that it reflected his judgment about the prospects of anarchistic revolution in Russia.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-183
Author(s):  
Mary L. Mullen

This article considers the politics and aesthetics of the colonial Bildungsroman by reading George Moore's often-overlooked novel A Drama in Muslin (1886). It argues that the colonial Bildungsroman does not simply register difference from the metropolitan novel of development or express tension between the core and periphery, as Jed Esty suggests, but rather can imagine a heterogeneous historical time that does not find its end in the nation-state. A Drama in Muslin combines naturalist and realist modes, and moves between Ireland and England to construct a form of untimely development that emphasises political processes (dissent, negotiation) rather than political forms (the state, the nation). Ultimately, the messy, discordant history represented in the novel shows the political potential of anachronism as it celebrates the untimeliness of everyday life.


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