Le modèle d'Easton et les sociétés sans Etat: le cas de la société adioukrou

1979 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-313
Author(s):  
Bonnie Campbell ◽  
Denis Monière

The object of this article is to inquire into the heuristic capacity of Easton's model of analysis. If one accepts that from an epistemological point of view there is an articulation between historically situated social practice and the formulation of concepts which attempt to represent and explain a particular situation, one is then led to question whether a theory produced in this way is capable of comprehending a different social reality which corresponds to other parameters of time and space and which is therefore characterized by a totally different problematic.After having set out the hypotheses and the logic inherent in the Eastonian model, the authors apply these to a stateless society—that of the Adioukrou. They then proceed to suggest the limitations of the definition of the “political” contained in this model which is based on a specific definition of the division of labour. Without denying the existence of the political in stateless societies, the authors argue that the hypothesis of functional differentiation cannot be applied in all cases and therefore cannot be taken for granted; that one cannot identify the boundaries of the “political” in such societies and finally that one cannot speak of the specialization of functions within different systems in any transferable or automatic sense. In a society based on lineages such as that of the Adioukrou where the organization of production is based on the village community and where there is absence of the appropriation of the means of production on a private basis, it is impossible to identify the specificity of the “political” as opposed to other areas of social interactions.

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (7) ◽  
pp. 1641-1656 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uwe Volkmann

It is a long-established commonplace in any debate on immigration that immigrants should integrate into their receiving society. But integrate into what precisely? Into the labor market, into the legal order, into the political system, into a national culture whatever this might comprise? The Article tries to approach the question from the legal point of view and looks for hints or clues in the constitution which might help us with the answer. For this purpose, it explores the general theory of the constitution as it has been shaped by its professional interpreters as well as by political actors, the media and the public. The main intuition is that “constitution” is not only a written document, a text with a predefined, though maybe hidden meaning; instead, it is a social practice evolving over time and thereby reflecting the shared convictions of a political community of what is just and right. Talking about constitutional expectations toward immigrants then also tells us something about ourselves: about who we are and what kind of community we want to live in. As it turns out, we may not have a very clear idea of that.


Author(s):  
Angus Ross

The term ‘society’ is broader than ‘human society’. Many other species are described as possessing a social way of life. Yet mere gregariousness, of the kind found in a herd of cattle or a shoal of fish, is not enough to constitute a society. For the biologist, the marks of the social are cooperation (extending beyond cooperation between parents in raising young) and some form of order or division of labour. In assessing the merits of attempts to provide a more precise definition of society, we can ask whether the definition succeeds in capturing our intuitive understanding of the term, and also whether it succeeds in identifying those features of society which are most fundamental from an explanatory point of view – whether it captures the Lockean ‘real essence’ of society. One influential approach seeks to capture the idea of society by characterizing social action, or interaction, in terms of the particular kinds of awareness it involves. Another approach focuses on social order, seeing it as a form of order that arises spontaneously when rational and mutually aware individuals succeed in solving coordination problems. Yet another approach focuses on the role played by communication in achieving collective agreement on the way the world is to be classified and understood, as a precondition of coordination and cooperation.


1963 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-96
Author(s):  
R. S. Milne

This article is intended as a ‘footnote’, written from the political science point of view, to more comprehensive accounts of the subject. Its main concern is to underline some respects in which Philippine nationalism is atypical in Southeast Asia. It is not proposed to define nationalism. Many definitions seem to fall into one of two groups, the unsatisfyingly general or the (still unsatisfying)determinedly specific. An example of the former is that nationalism consists in “on one side the love of a common soil, race, language or historical culture…” This immediately prompts the question, “which soil, which race etc.”? The latter group is exemplified by the definition of Karl W. Deutsch, which is based on the existence of “complementary habits and facilities of communication.”


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (5) ◽  
pp. 105-115
Author(s):  
Igor V. Balyunov

Purpose. Among its collections, the Tobolsk Museum-reserve keep an axe, which was an accidental find. The purpose of this publication is to introduce the presented sample into scientific circulation, as well as to complete the description of the find, establish its functional purpose, chronology and determine its place of production. Upon admission to the museum, it was identified as a combat weapon and tentatively dated to the 17th century. Results. The axe has a wide blade which extends downwards, covered with a notched ornament. An important feature is its asymmetric cross-section, where one of the sides is flat and the other is convex. Similar axes found in Siberia are often defined as battle axes, however this definition is incorrect. Currently, no Tobolsk axe prototypes are known to have been found on the territory of the Moscow state, however asymmetric axes are known to have been used, in particular, in Eastern Europe, since at least the 15th century. According to some authors, asymmetric axes are specialized tools for carpentry and joinery. This definition is most reliably justified in the publication of Polish researcher M. Glosek. This point of view is convincingly confirmed by the catalogues of Eastern European metalworking plants of the first half of the 20th century. The definition of long-bladed asymmetric axes as a combat weapon is based, as a rule, on random finds with unknown dating. More proof can be found by their absence in the materials of archaeological excavations. Conclusion. It can be assumed that asymmetric axes were imported to Russia between the Modern Period up to ethnographic modernity. One of the most likely producers is the Transcarpathian plant in the village of Kobyletskaya Polyana, which specialized in the manufacture of tools for the forest industry and had a fairly wide market. The widest possible period when Transcarpathian axes could be imported into Russia is no earlier than the end of the 18th century, and not later than the middle of the 20th century.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
Ponirin Ponirin ◽  
Agum Patria Silaban

It aims to test anything that influences the Political thinking Tan Malaka about the Consept of the Indonesian State, setting aside the concept of the state in the view of Tan Malaka and putting forth the effort the makes in fulfilling the concept of a joyful state. This type of research is a study literature. As for data collection techniques in this study is a library study, it means the author did reseach by collecting books, documents, articles, scripts, and the like. With the approach: textual studies, context studies, and historical studies. The data analysis of the data is heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and presentation. From the results of the research, it is known that Tan Malaka was a hero of the independence movement, he was born in the village of Pandan Gadang, not far from the Suliki Sprout, Limopilih Koto Regency, East Sumatera. He began to think of the fate of this people who were colonized after education in the Netherlands. The influence of circumstances and understanding is like the circumstances of his people, then education that this finally influenced by Marxism and the revolutiomary movement of Europe (the French, British, and Russian Revolutions) have set the mind to a left (Communist). Long before the other leading figures of independence, Tan Malaka had designed the consep of the Indonesian state before the independent of Indonesia. He saw and compared the concept of repulic and kingdom. For him the kingdom is irrelevant to the welfare of the people. Tan Malaka would prefer the concept of a union or a republic with a democratic system. For him the people must be in charge.then it may be concluded tha the concept of the Indonesian state tha Tan Malakan was the DemocraticKey word : Tan Malaka's Point of view, Indonesian State


Author(s):  
Jaroslav Dufek

This article deals with one-factor and multiple-factor linear models definition of an unemployment rate. As the explanatory variables are considered numbers of registered units of economic subjects to thousand inhabitants separated according to the political economy branch and according to the legal form. Relative to the greatly different sizes of registered units are coefficients of elasticity for average levels calculated for possibility comparison their force. From the branch point of view show industry, building, education, health service and other services relative high elasticity, from the legal form point of view are there state organizations, businessmen and free professions. Multiple models contains variables, which were taken out on the factor analysis base.


ARTMargins ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-58
Author(s):  
Camila Maroja

This article examines Cildo Meireles's refusal to describe Red Shift, his 1984 installation, as conceptual, political art. I use his rejection of these terms to reconsider conventional categories of the political in Latin American conceptualism as these have been historicized in the late 1990s and early 2000s. I argue that the artist builds his notions of conceptual and political art based on socio-artistic theories propagated in the short-lived but highly influential publication, Malasartes. This groundbreaking magazine, founded by Meireles and eight others in 1975, published texts crucial to Brazilian art history and translated international articles. These shaped the theoretical ideas that would inform the Brazilian art scene in the 1970s. Revisiting theses debates permits a deeper understanding of Meireles's view of art and politics. Revealing, in particular, the manner in which this generation of artists criticized the incipient art market in Brazil, then seen as synonymous with the larger art system. Proposing a differentiated art history, offering an autochthonous point of view, Malasartes's editors challenged the traditional view of the artwork as an isolated, commodified object, inserted in larger art movements through the stultifying imposition of stylistic categories on the artist. This critique of the art market helps to explain Meireles's stance on rejecting identification as a conceptual and political artist, despite the fact that his opus can be seen as both political and conceptual.


Author(s):  
Natalia Barebina ◽  
Galina Kostyushkina ◽  
Zhiyong Fang

The article presents an attempt to analyze the argumentative constants and variations in the analytical genre of a political media discourse from the point of view of focusing on the formation of different opinions of the audience. This task is solved by using the concept of strategic maneuvering. This concept contains a theoretical tool that allows you to identify violations of dialectical standards of argumentation in the form of rhetorical goals in the author's reasoning. Using the method of random selection, a corpus of examples was formed as fragments of speeches of political leaders. Examples were taken from the website of the Munich Security Conference 2016-2020. An evaluative-critical analysis of theoretical literature has revealed the main characteristics of the political media discourse. It was found that this social practice presupposes an argumentative way of organizing a discourse. The article states that any forms of the analytical genre of the political media discourse presuppose a certain standard of rationality in terms of its logical presentation and the quality of arguments. Using the method of pragma-dialectical reconstruction of the text, the authors illustrate the rational goal of argumentation realized by the speaker. However, the specificity of the genre inevitably leads to the desire of the addressees to present arguments in their favor. This is manifested in the rhetorical analogue of the logical dimension of the text-reasoning. It is concluded that the norm and violations in argumentation show how the language system functions in the formation of vectors of audience attitude.


Author(s):  
V.V. Knysh

This scientific article is devoted to the problems of formation and development of the institute of constitutional and legal responsibility in the period of the Cossack republic and the Hetman state. A special role here belongs to the legal enshrinement of this institution in the provisions of the Constitution of Philip Orlyk. In general, in legal science there are various scientific directions in the definition of constitutional liability. Such scientific approaches can be combined into four groups, in particular: 1)    scientific direction, which is based on the substantiation of a narrow understanding of constitutional and legal responsibility, which is based on the recognition of only retrospective (negative) constitutional and legal responsibility; 2)    scientific direction, which substantiates a broad understanding of constitutional and legal responsibility, which involves a combination of retrospective (negative) and long-term (positive) responsibility; 3)    scientific direction, which distinguishes between retrospective (negative) and long-term (positive) responsibility; 4) scientific direction, which substantiates both the combination of retrospective (negative) and perspective (positive) responsibility, and the existence of only retrospective (negative) responsibility. At the same time, in the context of the latest trends in Ukrainian state-building and law-making, as well as taking into account the need for historical and legal (rather than purely theoretical, sectoral or institutional) study of the needs of transformation of legal responsibility in Ukraine and its individual types, constitutional and legal responsibility needs separate scientific research from a historical and legal point of view, including the formation and development during the Cossack republic and the Hetman state. According to the author, the acts of the Cossack republic and the Hetman state, and especially the Constitution of Pylyp Orlyk of 1710 not only determined the foundations of the political and socio-economic system of Ukraine, the apparatus of state power on the basis of division of power into legislative, executive and judicial, but also provided constitutional legal responsibility as a means of ensuring interaction between branches of government and a means of their effective functioning. This constitutional and legal responsibility existed both in the form of positive responsibility, which manifested itself in a clear definition of the powers of authorities and the establishment of ways and forms of interaction between them, and in the form of negative responsibility, which provided for sanctions against officials at all levels.


Author(s):  
Roberto Scazzieri

The Enlightenment of Civil Reforms: Commerce, Division of Labour, and the Production of Wealth. The formation of political economy is closely associated with the intellectual traditions of the enlightenment. However, the economists’ enlightenment is a complex process characterized by a plurality of roots and expressions. It encompasses analyses and policy proposals remarkably distant from each other and yet pointing to a common matrix of concepts and beliefs. To take one example, the enlightenment of the Physiocrats, who take the standpoint of ‘external advisors’ to the Sovereign, is different from the enlightenment of those ‘cultivated traders’ who emphasize the relative autonomy of division of labour and markets relative to the state; as it is different from the standpoint of economists who focus on the middle ground between markets and governmental structures and explore their interdependence both at the level of analysis and at that of administrative and political action. The contributions of the Lombard Enlightenment are characterized by the ability to visualize both the ‘horizontal’ standpoint of division of labour and exchange, and the ‘vertical’ perspective of administrative structures. In this way, the Lombard economic enlightenment brings into focus a scheme of economic analysis and economic governance that is distinct from the radical Enlightenment of Condorcet, Morellet and Paine, as it is distinct from the ‘topdown’ laisser faire of Quesnay and Physiocracy in France, and from Genovesi’s, Galiani’s and Tanucci’s more active and context-dependent approach to economic policy in Naples. Many economists of the Lombard Enlightenment, such as Cesare Beccaria and Pietro Verri, were part of the Milanese social elite but were also active in the administrative structures of government. This makes their intellectual and policy activity of special interest. The principal objective of this paper is to discuss the contribution of the Lombard Enlightenment to the definition of a body of economic knowledge in which it is possible to see a clear overlap. between the point of view of commercial society and that of governmental structures (an overlap. that is characteristic of the intellectual make up. of civil enlightenment). This overlap. is of distinctive importance for investigating the relationship. between division of labour and markets, legal arrangements, and governance of the economy. Division of labour and markets are central to economists considering the initiatives of individuals and groups independently of political decisions and of their administrative consequences. This explains the central position of trade and division of labour in the writings of Beccaria and Verri. However, the perspective of the civil enlightenment suggests including division of labour within a complex organizational hierarchy of productive activities (Beccaria). The same point of view also calls attention to the need of investigating commerce and markets by focusing on institutional and administrative conditions rather than on choice criteria derived from abstract rationality principles (Verri). The Lombard enlightenment economists emphasize the central position of governmental actions as external interventions with respect to division of labour and markets, and for this reason capable of triggering the activation of possibilities existing within a given social context. Law, administration and monetary policy bring about an analytical and policy framework focusing on the process of wealth formation and considering this process as embedded in the institutional and administrative arrangements of society. In this way, the economists of the Lombard Enlightenment emphasize the mutual relationship. between administrative governance, economic improvement, and social structures, and take this relationship. to be at the core of the enlightenment of civil reforms.


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