Pegasus and Insurrection. Die Linkskurve and Its Heritage

1968 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Werner T. Angress
Keyword(s):  
Public Support ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
German State ◽  
Political Left ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Right

A Literature designed to express discontent with political or social conditions, rally public support, and sometimes threaten revolution has as much of a tradition in Germany as in other countries, and it was not the German authors' fault that their efforts remained on the whole without decisive achievements. Until 1918, this genre of literature had been nearly exclusively the preserve of what may loosely be called the political Left. But with the establishment of the republic the forces of the Right appropriated to themselves this time-honored intellectual weapon in their efforts to destroy the hated "Weimar System." Under these circumstances, no responsible independent left-wing journal could afford to do more than criticize the new German state for its shortcomings, and while in this respect some of them were less restrained than others, all of them wanted to reform and strengthen, not overthrow, the republic.

Postwar School Reforms in Norway

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harald Thuen ◽  
Nina Volckmar
Keyword(s):  
Education Policy ◽  
School System ◽  
Social Solidarity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Compulsory Schooling ◽  
Common School ◽  
Political Left ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Right

Comprehensive schooling has been a cornerstone in the development of the Norwegian welfare state since World War II. Over the years it has been extended, initially from 7 to 9 years and later to 10-year compulsory schooling, since the late 1990s including virtually all Norwegian children between the ages of 6 and 16. In education policy, the interests of the community versus the individual have played a key role, reflected in a line of conflict between the political left and right. During the first three to four decades after the war, through the Labor Party, the left wing was in power and developed education policy according to a social-democratic model. The ideal of equality and community in schools had precedence. The vision was to create a school for all that had a socially and culturally unifying effect on the nation and its people. Social background, gender, and geographical location should no longer create barriers between pupils. Ideally, school was to be understood as a “miniature democracy,” where pupils would be trained in solidarity and cooperation. Compulsory schooling was thus regarded as an instrument for social integration and for evening out social inequalities. But one challenge remained: How could a common school for all best take care of the individual needs of each pupil? The principle of individualized teaching within the framework of a common school was incorporated in the education policy of social democracy and was subjected to experimentation and research from an early stage. But with the political shift to the right toward the 2000s, a sharper polarization can be observed between the interests of the community versus the interests of the individual. The political right profiles education policy in opposition to the left-wing emphasis on the social purpose of the school system. In the early 21st century, the interests of knowledge, the classroom as a learning arena, and the performance of each pupil take precedence. Based on the model of New Public Management, a new organizational culture is taking shape in the school system. Where the political left formed its policy from the perspective of “equality” during the first postwar decades, the right is now forming it from the perspective of “freedom.” And this is taking place without significant opposition from the left. The terms “equality” and “equity” provide the framework for the analysis of the changing polarity between collective and individual considerations and between pupils’ freedom and social solidarity in postwar education.

scholarly journals Kriteria Calon Pemimpin Negara dan Mekanisme Pencalonannya di Negara Republik Indonesia dalam Pandangan Fiqih Siyasah

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tofa Fidyansyah ◽  
Siti Ngainnur Rohmah
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Legal Theory ◽  
Major Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Court Decisions ◽  
Direct Elections ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Right ◽  
Laws And Regulations

Leadership has a major influence on the political and state life of a nation. A leader will also determine the progress and retreat of a country. This paper provides an understanding of the criteria for candidate state leaders whose mechanisms have been determined in the laws and regulations of the Republic of Indonesia and the criteria for candidate state leaders in the view of fiqh siyasah. This study uses a qualitative method with a literature approach. The data in this study were obtained from binding legal materials consisting of legislation, court decisions, legal theory, books, scientific writings and legal journals. The results of this study state that the criteria for candidates for state leaders in the Republic of Indonesia as stated in the laws and regulations have several similarities with the criteria for candidate leaders according to Fiqih Siyasah, the presidential election of the Republic of Indonesia in the period before 2009 was carried out with the concept of Bay'at Ahl al-Hall wa al-'Aqd, the presidential election is carried out in the deliberations of the people's representatives who are in the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), appointed by the assembly, and when the term of office ends, an accountability report will be asked to the assembly that appointed it. The presidential election of the Republic of Indonesia, in the period after 2009 was carried out by way of direct elections through elections, all levels of society who have the right to vote can make their choice directly, no longer through representatives by people's representatives. But the weakness is that the elected president is not asked to report an accountability report at the end of his term of office.Keywords: Criteria for prospective leaders, mechanisms, fiqh siyasah. AbstrakKepemimpinan berpangaruh besar terhadap kehidupan berpolitik dan bernegara suatu bangsa. Seorang pemimpin juga akan menentukan maju mundurnya sebuah negara. Tulisan ini memberikan pemahaman bagaimana kriteria calon pemimpin negara yang sudah ditetapkan mekanismenya dalam peraturan perundang-undangan Republik Indonesia dan kriteria calon pemimpin negara dalam pandangan fikih siyasah. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan literatur. Data dalam penelitian ini diperoleh dari bahan-bahan hukum yang mengikat yang terdiri dari perundang-undangan, keputusan pengadilan, teori hukum, buku-buku, tulisan-tulisan ilmiah dan jurnal hukum. Hasil penelitian ini menyatakan bahwa kriteria calon pemimpin negara di Republik Indonesia yang tertuang dalam peraturan perundang-undangan memiliki beberapa persamaan dengan kriteria calon pemimpin menurut Fiqih Siyasah, Pemilihan presiden Republik Indonesia dalam kurun waktu sebelum tahun 2009 dilaksanakan dengan konsep Bay’at Ahl al-Hall wa al-‘Aqd, pemilihan presiden dilakukan di dalam musyawarah para wakil rakyat yang berada di dalam Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat (MPR), diangkat oleh majelis, dan ketika berakhir masa jabatan akan dimintai laporan pertanggung jawaban kepada majelis yang mengangkatnya. Pemilihan presiden Republik Indonesia, dalam kurun waktu sesudah tahun 2009 dilakukan dengan cara pemilihan langsung melalui pemilu, semua lapisan masyarakat yang mempunyai hak pilih bisa menentukan pilihannya secara langsung, tidak lagi melalui perwakilan oleh wakil rakyat. Tetapi kelemahannya  presiden terpilih tidak dimintai laporan pertanggung jawaban di akhir masa jabatan. Kata kunci : Kriteria calon pemimpin, mekanisme, fiqih siyasah. 

scholarly journals Left-wing populist discourse in Belgium: The effect of the rise of the Parti du Travail de Belgique on mainstream parties

MaRBLe ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Estelle Paquay
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Spatial Theory ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Left ◽  
Populist Party

Since 2009, the rise of the most important Belgian Francophone left-wing populist party, i.e. the Parti du Travail de Belgique (PTB), has been increasingly seen as a challenge for mainstream parties. Given the lack of research on Belgium within the field of political left-populist discourse, this paper analyses the effect of the growing popularity of the left-populist party on mainstream parties’ discourse. To investigate this issue, a discourse analysis has been conducted following the Modified Spatial Theory which argues that, when triggered, mainstream parties choose between three different strategies (accommodative, dismissive, or adversarial) to respond to the rise of populism. The findings show that, the rise of the PTB has had more effect on the Socialist Party’s discourse, which has accommodated and converged with the PTB on several typically populist issues, while the other two mainstream parties have rather dismissed and tried to discredit the political discourse of the PTB.

scholarly journals Images of A.F. Kerensky and the Political Struggle in 1917 (based on the newspapers of A.A. Suvorin)

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 834-883
Author(s):  
Boris I. Kolonitskii
Keyword(s):  
Visual Images ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Personal Authority ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Cultural Forms ◽  
The Right

The article examines the cultural forms of legitimation / delegitimation of authority of the Provisional Government. Particular attention is paid to the personal authority of Alexander Kerensky, including rhetorical (persuasive) devices and visual images which underlay the tactics of praising or condemning him. As the main source, the article uses the newspapers of A.A. Suvorin, namely Malen'kaya gazeta [Little newspaper], Narodnaya gazeta [People’s newspaper], Rus' [Rus], Novaya Rus' [New Rus]. These newspapers are compared with resolutions, letters and diaries, and with publications in other periodicals. The study clarifies some aspects of political isolation of the Provisional Government in the fall of 1917. By this time, the propaganda attack on Kerensky was conducted not only by the Bolsheviks and other left-wing groups but also by the right-wing and conservative publications. The propaganda of the left- and right-wing opponents was significantly different but they had a point of contact: both of them created the image of the “traitor” who was unworthy to remain in power.

Mutinies in War

2021 ◽  
pp. 98-165
Author(s):  
Keith Grint
Keyword(s):  
Legal Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Context ◽  
German State ◽  
Military Organization ◽  
Political Left ◽  
German Navy ◽  
Political Turmoil ◽  
First Time ◽  
Significant Support

This chapter covers mutinies which occur during the most dangerous times for the establishment: under conditions of war. Theoretically, any collective dissent from a legal order in a military organization is mutiny, and the events over Christmas 1914 along the Western Front in France and Belgium precisely capture this tension, with some calling it a ‘truce’ and others categorically calling it a mutiny—thus ensuring it is not repeated the following Christmas. Next we consider the Russian mutiny of 1917 that, unlike the Potemkin mutiny, occurs in a febrile national context with significant support from the political left. Some of the reverberations of Russia end up in France in 1917, straight after the failed Nivelle offensive, and this also reveals the significance of dashed expectations, as well as the dire consequences of the French state’s response. Within a year the German Navy is convulsed by similar issues, the first time it is crushed because the conditions are inadequate, but the second time, in 1918, against the backdrop of a military catastrophe and political turmoil, it is the mutiny of the German sailors that leads to the toppling of the German state. For the British and Commonwealth armies in France, post 1914, mutinies are rare, but they do occur, and it is serendipity that lends at hand. However, the largest of all British mutinies in wartime occurs in Salerno in 1943, and ironically it is stimulated by loyalty to the regiment, rather than disloyalty to the state.

Romania

2019 ◽  
pp. 388-434
Author(s):  
Laurențiu Ștefan
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Party System ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Right

In Romania, a highly segmented and extremely volatile party system has contributed to a predominance of coalition governments. Alternation in power by coalitions led by either left-wing or right-wing parties used to be a major feature of Romanian governments. Thus, until a short-lived grand coalition in 2009, ideologically homogeneous coalitions were the general practice. Since then, parties from the right and left of the political spectrum have learned to work together in government. Given the semi-presidential nature of the political regime and the exclusive power to nominate the prime minister, the Romanian president plays an important role in coalition formation. The president also plays a pivotal role by shadowing the prime minister and therefore influencing the governance of coalitions. She has the power to veto ministerial appointments and therefore she can also shape the cabinet line-up. Pre-election coalitions are a common feature, more than two-thirds of Romanian coalition governments have been predicated on such agreements. Coalition agreements dealt with both policy issues and coalition decision-making bodies and the governance mechanisms that have been in most cases enforced and complied with—until the break-up of the coalition and the downfall of the respective government. One very common decision-making body is the Coalition Committee, which has been backed on the operational level by an inner cabinet made up of the prime minister and the deputy prime ministers, which usually are the heads of the junior coalition parties.

De Sanctis, Francesco (1817–83)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Henry
Keyword(s):  
Italian Literature ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Major Work ◽  
Institutional Renewal ◽  
History Of ◽  
Letteratura Italiana ◽  
The Right ◽  
The University

Francesco De Sanctis was a literary critic and historian of Italian literature. He is best remembered for his major work, Storia della letteratura italiana (History of Italian Literature), and as a Hegel scholar, reformer and professor at the University of Naples, politician and militant patriot. Commentators are unanimous that De Sanctis’s biographical and intellectual life comprised two inseparable strands, the literary and the political. For this reason all his writings, even the more narrowly literary critical ones, must be read from the point of view of his commitment to promoting the moral and institutional renewal of Italian society. His Storia della letteratura italiana is the ‘civil history’ of Italy. De Sanctis, actively militant on both the Right and Left, defined his position as ‘moderate left-wing, in politics as in art’.

Low-Income Housing in Crisis

2021 ◽  
pp. 20-57
Author(s):  
Benjamin Holtzman
Keyword(s):  
Real Estate ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Real Estate Market ◽  
Urban Neighborhoods ◽  
The Political ◽  
Self Help ◽  
Political Left ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Right ◽  
Low Income Housing

During the late 1960s and 1970s, extensive disinvestment and an eviscerated real estate market led landlords of low-income housing to walk away from their real estate holdings, leaving thousands of buildings unoccupied and often city-owned due to nonpayment of taxes. In response, Latinx, African American, and some white residents protested the blight these buildings brought to their neighborhoods by directly occupying and seeking ownership of abandoned buildings through a process they called urban homesteading. Activists framed homesteading as a self-help initiative, often emphasizing their own ingenuity over state resources as the key to solving the problems of low-income urban neighborhoods. Such framing was understandable given the unstable economic terrain of the 1970s and won activists support not just from the political left, but also the right. But it also positioned homesteading as demonstrating the superiority of private-citizen and private sector–led revitalization in ways that left homesteading projects vulnerable as it became clear how necessary government resources would be to their success.

Righteousness or the right to drink? The debate on the ration book in Sweden and Finland during the 1950s

2001 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 359-370
Author(s):  
Matti Peltonen
Keyword(s):  
Control Policy ◽  
Alcohol Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Swedish Version ◽  
Alcohol Control ◽  
Political Left ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Sweden and Finland reviewed their alcohol control policies in the 1950s at more or less the same time. Sweden abolished its ration book system and lifted restrictions on the sale of medium strength beer, Finland in turn revised its mechanisms for controlling the purchase of alcohol, a version of the Bratt system. In Sweden, alcohol consumption increased sharply and the number of drunkenness offences doubled. In Finland, by contrast, nothing happened. Why? History provides one possible source of explanation. The Swedish version of the Bratt system was much stricter (with monthly rations allocated on the basis of social class and sex) and therefore there was greater pressure towards a liberalisation of alcohol policy than was the case in Finland. During the war and in the post-war years Finland had a strong labour movement, which was keen to underline and demonstrate that the working class were in every respect decent and upright people. The debate that was touched off by the General Strike in 1956 is particularly interesting. On the political right, workers were frequently portrayed as heavy drinkers; the political left worked hard to fend off this propaganda attack. In this kind of atmosphere it was impossible to seriously call for a liberalisation of alcohol control policy in Finland.

Flank attacks

2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthijs Rooduijn ◽  
Tjitske Akkerman
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Category ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Good People ◽  
Economic Elites ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Right ◽  
Radical Left

How is populism distributed over the political spectrum? Are right-wing parties more populist than left-wing parties? Based on the analysis of 32 parties in five Western European countries between 1989 and 2008, we show that radical parties on both the left and the right are inclined to employ a populist discourse. This is a striking finding, because populism in Western Europe has typically been associated with the radical right; only some particular radical left parties have been labeled populist as well. This article suggests that the contemporary radical left in Western Europe is generally populist. Our explanation is that many contemporary radical left parties are not traditionally communist or socialist (anymore). They do not focus on the ‘proletariat’, but glorify a more general category: the ‘good people’. Moreover, they do not reject the system of liberal democracy as such, but only criticize the political and/or economic elites within that system.

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