The Trickster in Egypt's January 25th Revolution

2013 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 834-864 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter Armbrust

AbstractThe term “counter-revolution” evokes a straightforward contestation of political claims in a revolutionary situation. But contestation is not a zero-sum game: this side wins; the other side loses, and power remains the same. A revolutionary situation is unpredictable. New formulations of political claims may emerge in a protracted moment of “liminal crisis”—a kind of political ritual with no master of ceremonies capable of ending it. Indeed, the meaning of the political prize itself might be open to reinterpretation. My paper examines counter-revolution through the lens of Taufiq ‘Ukasha, an Egyptian talk show host and former member of the deposed National Democratic Party. Since the Revolution ‘Ukasha has become increasingly prominent as an unacknowledged spokesman for Egypt's Military Council, which assumed executive powers in the wake of the Mubarak regime's collapse. I argue that ‘Ukasha should not be understood simply as afilul—a remnant of the old regime. He is rather a “trickster,” a creature at home in the betwixt-and-between of open-ended liminality, and as such not an instrument of a socially grounded political power. In an environment in which the usual points of social and political orientation are called into question, the significance of a trickster is that he or she can become an object of emulation, an instrument of “schismogenesis”—the creation of a new social formation. A trickster, as a creature of pure liminality, is particularly prone to generating perverted forms of social knowledge. In ‘Ukasha's case, this new social formation is an unprecedented formulation of Egyptian militarism.

Author(s):  
Walter Armbrust

This chapter focuses on Taufiq ʻUkasha, a talk-show host and minor parliamentarian in the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) before the revolution, re-created in the protracted state of antistructure after the fall of the regime as a “media personality” and advocate for a cult of Egyptian militarism. He became a primary spokesman for the counterrevolution, and ultimately a political force in his own right. ʻUkasha was often seen during his moment in the political limelight as an appendage of SCAF. He showed a remarkable ability to emerge onto the political stage at a particular moment—specifically, from near the end of 2011 until the rise of Sisi in the summer of 2013. But his political capacities depended crucially on a well-publicized “loose cannon” media persona. It was never likely that ʻUkasha would achieve meaningful power, but he does exemplify potentialities of revolutionary liminality not well captured by viewing a revolutionary situation as a theater in which contention occurs between established political actors. Ultimately, ʻUkasha emerged as a Trickster within the larger arc of the revolution.


1978 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johannes Tennekes ◽  
M. Fl. Jacques

This article is an interpretation of the principal results of a survey conducted in 1971 and 1973, regarding the attitude of chilean Pentecostals towards the political life of their country. On the basis of this study it appears that during Allende's period there was a big difference in the political sympathies between the Pentecostal leaders — mainly oriented towards the right — and the mass of the Pentecostal faith ful — who in a large majority entertained sympathies for the left. In spite of this difference in political orientation, the leaders and the other Pentecostals joined in a common position of condemnation of active participation in the political struggle fought at that time, and in general they adopted an attitude of reserve in regard to anything concerning politics. This lign of conduct was not only caused by a concern about dissension in the ecclesial community, but it was also motivated by the idea that politics, as it existed before the coup of 1973, was morally reprehensible. If this background is taken into account, there should be not too much attention paid to the manifestations of support of the present system of government expressed by many Pentecostal leaders in the past few years. It is improbable that these manifestations reflect the feelings of the mass of the Pentecostal believers.


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 205-208
Author(s):  
Vedran Dzihic

The history of modern Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) is a history of referenda. The referendum as a tool to shape the political fate and future of a particular society has seemingly always been an integral part of the Bosnian past. The first two referenda in Bosnia-Herzegovina at the beginning of the so-called “democratic era” following the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia marked the beginning of a period of war and violence in the country. The referendum in November 1991, organized by the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) and asking participants about the status of BiH within the Yugoslav federation, was the first step toward the formation of Republika Srpska (RS). On the other side, the referendum in March 1992 about the question of independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina from Yugoslavia, which was attended by Bosnian Muslims and Croats and boycotted by the Serbs, plunged Bosnia into war.


2017 ◽  
pp. 35-38
Author(s):  
Alex Ovsienko

The discussions on the ban on burka in Germany started on November the 15 th. 2015 as the party convention of the CSU (a Bavarian part of the ruling CDU) demanded on its party convention to pass the law which would ban the wearing on facial veils in Germany. In the next months the discussion intensified in Germany as more and more politicians got involved in the debate , like the prominent German member of the Free Democratic Party Alexander Graf Lamsdorf or Wolfgang Kubicki, the vice chairman of the FDP which were both in favor of the ban, on the other side there are German politicians like the President of Germany Joachim Gauck or the German minister of justice Heiko Maas who were opposed to ban the wearing of facial veils in Germany.


2014 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 777-795 ◽  
Author(s):  
DOUGLAS B. CRAIG

William Gibbs McAdoo is best known as the other half of the great Democratic Party meltdown at the party's national convention in 1924, when he and Alfred E. Smith fought for the presidential nomination over nine days and 102 ballots. We know much about Smith, but much less about what McAdoo stood for and what constituencies he appealed to during his unsuccessful campaign for that nomination. This article puts some flesh on the bones of McAdoo's candidacy in 1924 by looking more closely at his nomination platform and strategy, and by showing how his term as director general of the United States Railroad Administration (USRRA) in 1918 was pivotal in his campaign for the presidential nomination in 1924. At the USRRA McAdoo used federal control not only to rationalize the railroads but also to create an electoral constituency for his presidential ambitions. Although his time at the helm of the USRRA finished at the end of 1918, McAdoo remained prominent in the debate over its fate and then assiduous in his attempts to cash in the political chips he had accumulated through his work with it.


1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
William H. Sewell

When the insurrection of February 1848 chased Louis-Philippe from the throne and brought a provisional republican government to power, the Parisian workers who had made the insurrection suddenly found themselves at the center of the political stage. As the heroes and victors of the revolution, they immediately won important concessions: the declaration of the right to work (the ‘droit au travail’), the opening of the National Workshops, and the establishment of the Luxembourg Commission—a body composed of representatives of all the capital's trades, chaired by the socialist theorist Louis Blanc, which was to discuss the organization of labor and make proposals to the government. The workers responded to this revolutionary situation with a monumental outpouring of words and action, attempting to construct a new social and political order based on labor and its rights. In this paper I shall try to describe and interpret one prominent feature of the workers' projects for revolutionary transformation: their use of language and of organizational forms that were apparently borrowed from the corporate system of the old regime.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Rio Akbar Pramanta ◽  
Roihanatul Maziyah ◽  
Dela Karisma ◽  
Putri Rahma Asri ◽  
Ayu Tiara Karel Bua ◽  
...  

ASEAN and Australia has a long history of mutual partnership. It is a strategic foreign policy for both parties. ASEAN needs to maintain its power and influence with their neighboring countries to maintain the political stability in the Southeast Asian region. On the other hand, Australia needs Southeast Asia because it serves as a strategic and crucial pivot of numerous benefits and interests for them, including but not limited to security and economics. However, ASEAN-Australia relations is not separated from the geopolitical implications. The geopolitical factors determine the strategic partnership between ASEAN and Australia, thus leading to the hypothesis in this article where Australia needs ASEAN more than the vice versa, and Australia is the one who benefits more in terms of relative gain, relative to ASEAN.Keywords: ASEAN-Australia relations, neorealism, relative gain, geopolitics


Author(s):  
Michael D. Robinson

This chapter explores the political, economic, and social trajectory of the Border South during the decade of the 1850s. Utilizing census data, it demonstrates the importance of slavery to the Border South and its inhabitants. Moreover, this chapter emphasizes that Border South politicians were quite in touch with the politics of slavery, not unlike politicians in the other eleven slaveholding states. The chapter illuminates the diversity of the Border South economy over the course of the 1850s, and compares the region’s economy to the rest of the South. It also shows how the Democratic Party had made great gains in the Border South over the decade and suggests that some white border southerners had by the end of the 1850s embraced the radical political idea of secession.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Bi ◽  
Louis Martí ◽  
David O'Shaughnessy ◽  
Celeste Kidd

Analyses of political discourse typically focus on the semantic content of politicians’ statements. The approach treats the meaning of a speaker’s words as independent from the speaker’s identity itself; however, there are reasons to believe that one might influence the other. Features of a speaker’s identity influence others’ judgements of their character (e.g., Kinzler & DeJesus, 2013), and thus speaker identity could influence listeners’ assessment of the semantics and validity of the statements themselves. Here, we collect U.S. participants’ judgements of the political orientation of different statements, from liberal to conservative, heard with one of three accents, a generic U.S. accent, a Southern U.S. accent or an Australian accent. In comparison to identical statements conveyed in the generic U.S. accent, participants tended to perceive the U.S. Southern accented statements as more conservative and the Australian accented statements as more liberal.


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