scholarly journals Crossing the Bosphorus: Connected Histories of “Other” Muslims in the Post-Imperial Borderlands of Southeast Europe

2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 908-934 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Henig
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Collective Identity ◽  
Historical Anthropology ◽  
Southeast Europe ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Colonial Studies ◽  
Methodological Nationalism

AbstractSituated in the borderlands of Southeast Europe, this essay explores how enduring patterns of transregional circulation and cosmopolitan sensibility unfold in the lives of dervish brotherhoods in the post-Cold War present. Following recent debates on connected histories in post-colonial studies and historical anthropology, long-standing mobile and circulating societies, and reinvigorated interest in empire, this essay focuses ethnographically on how members of a dervish brotherhood in Bosnia-Herzegovina cultivate relations with places, collectivities, and practices that exist on different temporal, spatial and geopolitical scales. These connections are centered around three modes of articulation—sonic, graphic, and genealogical—through which the dervish disciples imagine and realize transregional relations. This essay begins and concludes with a meditation on the need for a dialogue between ethnography and transregional history in order to appreciate modes of identification and imagination that go beyond the essentializing forms of collective identity that, in the post-imperial epoch, have been dominated by political and methodological nationalism.

India–Myanmar Relations

2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-99
Author(s):  
Gaurav Kumar Jha ◽  
Amrita Banerjee
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Structural Changes ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
World Order ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Market Interdependence

Despite long historical ties, post-colonial relations between India and Myanmar have fluctuated between magnanimity and mistrust. While India often stood for high moral grounds and promotion of democracy, it did so at the cost of losing Myanmar to China. This affected both India and Myanmar adversely: while New Delhi’s economic, energy and security interests were hurt, isolated Yangon became more China-dependent. However, since the early 1990s, domestic developments in Myanmar and post-Cold War structural changes in the world order necessitated conditions for cooperation and mutual gains. It appears that blatant domestic suppression in, and international seclusion of, Myanmar is not desirable. Having witnessed two eras of magnanimity and mistrust, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit to Myanmar in 2012 heralds a prospective era of market interdependence while opening Pandora’s box: can India get a better share of Myanmar’s commercial possibilities without compromising its core interests in promoting democracy, development and diaspora protection?

Intricate relations between Western anthropologists and Eastern ethnologists

Focaal ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 2012 (63) ◽  
pp. 20-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michał Buchowski
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
The Other ◽  
Local Context ◽  
Paradigm Shifts ◽  
Pecking Order ◽  
The West ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Hierarchical Order ◽  
Colonial Studies ◽  
Communist Past

Western representations of the Other are criticized by anthropologists, but similar hegemonic classifications are present in the relationships between anthropologists who are living in the West and working on the (post-socialist) East, and those working and living in the (post-communist) East. In a hierarchical order of scholars and knowledge, post-socialist anthropologists are often perceived as relics of the communist past: folklorists, theoretically backward empiricists, and nationalists. These images replicate Cold War stereotypes, ignore long-lasting paradigm shifts as well as actual practices triggered by the transnationalization of scholarship. Post-socialist academics either approve of such hegemony or contest this pecking order of wisdom, and their reactions range from isolationism to uncritical attempts at “nesting intellectual backwardness“ in the local context (an effect that trickles down and reinforces hierarchies). Deterred communication harms anthropological studies on post-socialism, the prominence of which can hardly be compared to that of post-colonial studies.

scholarly journals Collective Identity, Anglo-Saxon Bond and the Persistence of the Anglo-American Special Relationship

2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Ruike Xu
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Collective Identity ◽  
Special Relationship ◽  
Anglo Saxon ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Threat Perceptions ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Cold War

There have been many “end of affair” comments on the Anglo-American special relationship (AASR) in the post-Cold War era. Notwithstanding this, the AASR has managed to persist without losing its vitality up to the present. This article seeks to explain the persistence of the AASR from the perspective of collective identity. It argues that a strong Anglo-American collective identity has been an indispensable positive contributor to the persistence of the AASR after the end of the Cold War. The strong Anglo-American collective identity facilitates Anglo-American common threat perceptions, solidifies embedded trust between the UK and the USA, and prescribes norms of appropriate behaviour for these two countries.

From administrative to constitutional bodies – The fourth branch of government: Towards the constitutionalization of independent specialized national institutions in Cameroon

2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 483-503
Author(s):  
Justin Ngambu Wanki
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Current System ◽  
National Commission ◽  
Practical Reasons ◽  
Constitutional Democracy ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
National Institutions

In this article, I discuss the need to constitutionalize independent national institutions in Cameroon. Even though a considerable number of these institutions exist in Cameroon, for more practical reasons this study specifically delves into the analysis of National Commission for Human Rights and Freedoms (NCHRF) and Elections Cameroon (ELECAM). The existence of these institutions as administrative institutions has opened the leeway for the executive to manipulate them for ulterior motives. As a result, these institutions have failed to fulfil their mandate in terms of post-Cold War constitutionalism requirements intended to restrain the excessive executive power, reminiscent of that exercised by the colonial state. In the aftermath of colonialism, post-colonial state reconstruction aims at bringing about transformative constitutionalism where these independent institutions support and promote constitutional democracy in Cameroon and enforce accountable governance. This article reveals that amending the constitution to entrench these institutions is not enough to guarantee the independence and the transformative mandate that these institutions are vested with. This shortcoming is informed by the flawed nature of the present constitution which is an aged-old ideological document. The existence of this blight calls for the engagement of a new constitution-making process that systematically eradicates the influence of elites. The current system is controlled by ‘strongmen’ due to lack of separation of powers, the resultant constitution should therefore clearly break with this present culture. Given that South Africa was one of the pioneer and unique jurisdictions in the world to entrench these group of institutions genuinely supporting constitutional democracy in chapter 9 of its constitution, I have referred to their constitutional experience to import what practical measures are available not just to enable the constitutionalization of these institutions in Cameroon, but equally their effective implementation. A proposal for the provision of additional post-Cold War constitutional features in the new constitutional design has been advanced in support of strengthening the constitutionalization ambition, without which this design would be nothing more than a dead letter or would fail to achieve its intended purpose.

Japan Embraces Internationalism: Explaining Japanese Security Policy Expansion through an Identity-Regime Approach

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 589-613
Author(s):  
BHUBHINDAR SINGH
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Collective Identity ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Collective Identities ◽  
Institutional Reforms ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War

AbstractThe paper examines the domestic politics explanations to Japanese security policy expansion between the Cold War and post-Cold War periods. In response to the various explanations offered in the literature, such as the implementation of administrative and institutional reforms since 1994 that resulted in the centralization of the decision-making process, changes to the balance of power of political parties within the Japanese political system, and shift in the type of politicians that dominate the LDP, opposition parties and security policymaking structure, this paper argues that it is important to incorporate collective identity into understanding Japanese security policy expansion. Two reasons highlight the importance of collective identity – first, without collective identity, it is difficult to understand the type of security policy produced as the discussion of vision is omitted; and, second, collective identity reveals the organizational make-up of the security policymaking structure that is responsible for the formulation of security policy. To explicate the collective identity–institution relationship, this paper focuses on Japanese security identity and the Japanese security policymaking regime in the Cold War and post-Cold War periods. Two security identities for Japan are examined – the peace-state and international-state; and three elements of the regime are studied – the agents involved or marginalized in the security policymaking process, the decision-making structure of the security policymaking, and the role of the US. This paper aids in our understanding of how collective identities are sustained and supported within an institution, and how Japanese security policy expanded in the post-Cold War period.

scholarly journals On Recent Developments in the New Historiography of (Neo)Liberalism

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-124
Author(s):  
Iain Stewart
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Cold War ◽  
War On Terror ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
End Of History ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
History Of ◽  
The End Of History

Over the last twenty years or so several new waves of research on the history of liberalism have emerged. The novelty of this should not be exaggerated as broad scholarly interest in liberalism has in fact been increasing at a remarkable rate since the 1980s. Nevertheless, it is clear that the historiography of liberalism has broken much new ground since around the turn of the century. This has been driven partly by the influence of larger developments in the humanities and social sciences. The global and post-colonial turns, for instance, have helped to reshape the historiography of liberalism by provoking debates over the extent of its complicity in slavery and colonialism, while also drawing attention to the contribution of theorists from the global south. But even much of this ‘normal’ innovation has been driven at least indirectly by a growing sense that liberalism is in crisis. The War on Terror, the financial meltdown of 2008 and the global rise of populist authoritarianism are the obvious staging posts in liberalism's journey from post-Cold War triumphalism to contemporary fears for its imminent demise. And it is not a coincidence that the end of the end of history has seen the beginning of a new historiography of liberalism. Since the early 2000s the emergence of new sub-fields like the histories of ‘Cold War liberalism’, human rights and neoliberalism can all be seen in different ways as responding to liberalism's unfolding crisis.

scholarly journals Struggling for the Future, Burdened by the Past: Croatia’s Relations with the United Kingdom from Independence to Brexit

2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (79) ◽  
pp. 5-39
Author(s):  
Josip Glaurdić
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Southeast Europe ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
The Past ◽  
Eu Integration ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

AbstractApart from relations with its neighbours, Croatia’s relations with the United Kingdom (UK) were undoubtedly its greatest international challenge since it won its independence in the early 1990s. Relations between the two countries during this period were frequently strained partly due to Zagreb’s democratic shortcomings, but partly also due to competing visions of post-Cold War Southeast Europe and due to long-lasting biases rooted in Croatia’s and Britain’s conflicting policies during Yugoslavia’s breakup and wars. Croatia’s accession to the EU in 2013 offered an opportunity for the two countries to leave the burdens of their past behind, since Zagreb and London had similar preferences on a number of crucial EU policy fronts. However, Brexit changed everything. Croatia’s future relations with the UK are likely to be determined by the nature of Brexit negotiations and the evolution of British policy toward the pace and direction of EU integration.

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