Ephialtes the Moderate?

1993 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-19
Author(s):  
J. L. Marr

The political significance of Ephialtes’ reforms as a constitutional watershed in Athenian history is a theme stressed in much of the later source material. He is presented as a man who significantly changed the nature of the existing, Cleisthenic, constitution in the direction of a more radical form of democracy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 91-110
Author(s):  
Dariusz Dąbrowski

The main goal of the article is to present the possibilities and methods of research on the Rurikid’s matrimonial policy in the Middle Ages on the example of a selected group of princes. As the subject of studies were chosen Mstislav Vladimirovich and his children. In total, 12 matrimonial relationships were included. The analysis of the source material revealed very unfavorable phenomena from the perspective of the topic under study. The Rus’ primary sources gave information on the conclusion of just four marriages out of twelve. The next four matrimonial arrangement inform foreign sources (Scandinavian and Norman). It should be emphasized particularly strongly that – save for two exceptions of Scandinavian provenance – the sources convey no information whatsoever as regards the political aims behind this or that marriage agreement. It appears, then, that the chroniclers of the period and cultural sphere in question did not regard details concerning marriages (such as their circumstances or the reasons behind them) as “information notable enough to be worth preserving”. Truth be told, even the very fact of the marriage did not always belong to this category. Due to the state of preservation of primary sources the basic question arises as to whether it is possible to study the Rurikids’ matrimonial policy? In spite of the mercilessly sparse source material, it is by all means possible to conduct feasible research on the Rurikids’ marriage policy. One must know how to do it right, however. Thus, such studies must on the one hand be rooted in a deep knowledge of the relevant sources (not only of Rus’ provenance) as well as the ability to subject them to astute analysis; on the other hand, they must adhere to the specially developed methodology, presented in the first part of the article.



Author(s):  
Katrin Röder

This chapter investigates Greville’s use and adaptation of historical source material for his tragedy Mustapha, especially of Nicholas de Moffan’s Soltani Solymanni, Turcarum Imperatoris, horrendum facinus […] or its many translations and adaptations as well as of Johannes Leunclavius’s Annales Sultanorum Othmanidarum […]. It demonstrates that this choice of historical material and its creative appropriation enabled a representation of the political structure of the Ottoman Empire which contradicts pervasive contemporary portrayals of the sovereign, virtually unlimited power of Ottoman sultans and of their subjects’ unconditional obedience. Greville’s tragedy does not provide an unbiased picture of the Ottoman Empire, but it avoids easy strategies of Othering by emphasizing similarities between Christian (especially English) and Ottoman forms of kingship, power abuse, and resistance to tyranny.



2006 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 297-330 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Timmons

AbstractThe case of three women from Bideford, Devon, tried and executed for witchcraft in 1682, provides a unique glimpse into the interaction between popular culture, print media, and political parties of the Exclusion Crisis era. The judicial records of the case are fairly limited, contained only in missives from the Calendar State Papers Domestic, and the memoirs of the trial judge. Publishers in London, however, provided a much greater range of source material to the reading public, including a heavily edited transcript of depositions that created the accepted version of the proceedings, and entirely fictitious accounts that bore little relation to the actual events. The needs of both the print media and the political parties distorted the actual incidents of the case, but provided the only memory of it for popular culture.



2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 38-54
Author(s):  
Eugenia Cadús

Through close analysis of primary and secondary source material related to Katherine Dunham'sTango(1954), this article examines the protest message of this dance work within the political and social context of the time. The article focuses first on Dunham's understanding of the Argentine populist political movement known as Peronism, and secondly on the Argentine reception of the piece's protest against Juan Domingo Perón's government. The article argues that, contrary to existing interpretations of the work,Tangoarticulated with the cultural policies promoted by Perón's government, rather than working as a protest performance against it.



2021 ◽  
pp. 5-15
Author(s):  
Yaroslav Vishnyakov ◽  

The article is based on the reports of Russian diplomats ‒ Ambassador to Vienna Count Kapnist and Envoy to Belgrade Charykov – and it reveals little-known nuances of Russian-Serbian relations at the beginning of the XX century. These documents are a valuable source material which illustrates the contradictory course of Russian diplomacy in the region. It can be traced that Russia tried to benefit from settlement of the Balkan issue and, consequently, became a hostage to the ambitions of the political elite of the young Balkan states.



2021 ◽  
pp. 1-38
Author(s):  
Lyndsey Jenkins

This chapter explains who the Kenneys were, provides biographical detail about the family and the individual sisters, and sets out the political, economic, social, and cultural context in which they grew up. It shows that, despite the rhetoric of sisterhood which often characterizes feminist politics, friendship rather than family has been central to suffrage studies, and argues that the family needs to be given greater consideration. It also explains the place of class in suffrage historiography and the relationship between the women’s and labour movements as a way into understanding the relative lack of work on suffrage militants. The chapter sets out the source material which forms the basis for this study, explains the thematic biographical approach, and summarizes the chapters which follow.



2019 ◽  
pp. 105-125
Author(s):  
Peter Ward

In March 1958, delegates from across North Korea met in the National Art Theatre in Pyongyang for the First Conference of the Korean Worker’s Party. To date, it has an event largely overlooked by South Korean and Western historians of North Korea because of a lack of source material. The newly unearthed official minutes, however, reveal a highly staged event in which the opponents of high-level party opponents of Kim Il Sung (Kim Ilsŏng 김일성) are subjected to what amounts to a show trial, before they lose their party membership. The official minutes are notable for containing one of the only official North Korean descriptions of the alleged plot by certain military members of the Yanan Faction to overthrow the Kim Il Sung government in a military coup. The purpose of the Party Conference within Marxist-Leninist parties is discussed, the background to the Conference and developments in the communist world are also described. The delegate roster is then briefly analysed, interesting and significant statistics are explained with broader reference to North Korean history—the context and what it can tell us about the structure of power in the Korean Workers Party back then. Following this, the show trial by conference is detailed. The trial by conference is split into two parts, the first dealing with their economic crimes and the second with their political crimes. This article discusses both sets of allegations in light of the actual economic pathologies of Soviet-type economies and the political nature of the Kim Il-sungist system.



2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 122-125
Author(s):  
Mustafa Gökçek

This volume, short and rich in primary source material, focuses on the relationshipbetween the Ottoman central government (Istanbul) and the empire’svarious nationalities during the fateful 1908-18 period. Istanbul’s struggle toaddress enormous political and military challenges, European involvement,and the rise of nationalism and ethnic/religious resentments are duly covered.The book is well organized with a dedicated section for each nationality. Exceptfor the Greek and Armenian struggles through WWI, which is coveredin a single chapter, each nation’s history is covered in two periods: 1908-14and 1914-18 (except the Albanians). Ahmad impartially re-constructs thesenationalities’ history in order to detail all aspects of the challenges that theyfaced and posed to Ottoman governance.In the chapter on the Armenians, Ahmad discusses the political interactionsof such Armenian organizations as Dashnak with the Committee ofUnion and Progress (CUP) and their coalitions with various political groups.The Kurdish-Armenian “land question” tensions, which dated from the SultanAbdulhamid period, continued to rise. Ahmad’s portrayal also gives us aglimpse of British and French involvement in the Armenian community’s issues.Russia’s policy would change in 1912 from one of keeping good relationswith the CUP to supporting the Armenians and Greeks against Istanbul.The Balkan Wars and the Ottoman defeats revealed its vulnerabilities as wellas the weakness of the CUP’s centralization policies.Istanbul was aware of the problems in Anatolia, especially between theKurds and the Armenians, and understood the necessity of resolving the ...



Balcanica ◽  
2008 ◽  
pp. 33-46
Author(s):  
Ivan Jordovic

The majority of Critias? contemporaries and fellow citizens saw the leader of the most brutal regime in Athenian history as a ruthless oligarch, moreover as a tyrant. Many ancient sources share this view. It is somewhat surprising therefore to see the most famous of his victims, the controversial politician Theramenes, denouncing him as a supporter of democracy. This contradiction has given rise to different, even diametrically opposed modern interpretations. It is this variety of interpretations and the importance of this question for understanding the political situation in Athens at the end of the fifth century BC, as well as the rise of tyranny in Thessaly, that has prompted us to take yet another look at this controversial issue.



2021 ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
PABLO DEL HIERRO ◽  
ESPEN STORLI

This article investigates the development of the Spanish–Italian mercury cartel from the end of World War II to the mid-1950s. Previous literature has singled out the cartel as one of the most robust international cartels of the twentieth century, but as this article shows, the cartel broke down toward the end of the 1940s, and although briefly reestablished in 1954, it quickly dissolved again. Building on access to original source material from archives in Spain, Italy, the United States, and United Kingdom, we investigate the underlying reasons why the cartel broke down, and how and why it was eventually reestablished. Because both the main Italian and the Spanish mercury producers were state-owned, this article pays special attention to the influence of the political relations between Spain and Italy on the development of the cartel. The study of the mercury cartel is used as a prism to investigate the point where industry strategies meet government strategies. This article thus contributes to two major strands of literature, both to the business history literature on international cartels in the post-1945 world and to the diplomatic history literature on the intricate relationship between Spain and Italy in the early phase of the Cold War.



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