III. State Treason Trials During the Puritan Revolution, 1640–1660

1972 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adele Hast

The government of the parliamentary party during the Puritan Revolution of 1640–60 instituted changes in judicial and legal procedures to maintain its power and subdue its enemies. This study of treason trials conducted by the state will examine their legal basis and the events and activities considered treasonable. It will show the ways in which the concept of treason changed under a revolutionary government, and to what extent those trials conducted during the interregnum differed in their legal—judicial bases and content from those held before the King's death. Although there were hundreds of treason convictions during the interregnum throughout England, either by military courts-martial, or by common-law courts sitting in the provinces — as is shown by the Acts providing for die sale of estates forfeited to the Commonwealth for treason — this discussion will limit itself to trials initiated by the government in London. These state trials illustrate die political use of the treason charge; diey provide a direct link between the enactment of the interregnum treason laws and their implementation by the same legislative body. Not only was the meaning of treason determined, and die machinery of trial set up, by parliament; but who was to be tried was also decided eidier by parliament or die Council of State, and, after 1654, by the Protector and his council. It will dierefore be instructive to examine the types of treasonous action considered sufficiendy threatening to warrant parliamentary attention.

2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283
Author(s):  
Subhendu Ranjan Raj

Development process in Odisha (before 2011 Orissa) may have led to progress but has also resulted in large-scale dispossession of land, homesteads, forests and also denial of livelihood and human rights. In Odisha as the requirements of development increase, the arena of contestation between the state/corporate entities and the people has correspondingly multiplied because the paradigm of contemporary model of growth is not sustainable and leads to irreparable ecological/environmental costs. It has engendered many people’s movements. Struggles in rural Odisha have increasingly focused on proactively stopping of projects, mining, forcible land, forest and water acquisition fallouts from government/corporate sector. Contemporaneously, such people’s movements are happening in Kashipur, Kalinga Nagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, etc. They have not gained much success in achieving their objectives. However, the people’s movement of Baliapal in Odisha is acknowledged as a success. It stopped the central and state governments from bulldozing resistance to set up a National Missile Testing Range in an agriculturally rich area in the mid-1980s by displacing some lakhs of people of their land, homesteads, agricultural production, forests and entitlements. A sustained struggle for 12 years against the state by using Gandhian methods of peaceful civil disobedience movement ultimately won and the government was forced to abandon its project. As uneven growth strategies sharpen, the threats to people’s human rights, natural resources, ecology and subsistence are deepening. Peaceful and non-violent protest movements like Baliapal may be emulated in the years ahead.


Author(s):  
Carlos FERNÁNDEZ DE CASADEVANTE ROMANÍ

LABURPENA: Lan honek Bidasoan eta Higerreko badian arrantzatzeari buruzko 1959ko uztailaren 14ko Espainiaren eta Frantziaren arteko hitzarmenaren konstituzio-kontrakotasuna aztertzen du, Espainiari dagokionez. Hitzarmen horrek, hain zuzen ere, espazio horietako ibai-arrantza, itsaski-bilketa eta akuikultura arautzen ditu, bai eta horietan egindako arau-hausteen ikuskapena eta zehapena ere, eta konstituzioa onartu eta ia berrogei urtera, ez du zuzenketarik izan araudi berrira egokitzeko. Hau da, alor horietan eta ur horietan Euskal Autonomia Erkidegoak duen eskumen esklusibora egokitu gabe dago oraindik. Arazo hori konpontzeko, bi aukera proposatzen dira: Euskal Autonomia Erkidegoaren organo eskudunek konstituzio-kontrakotasuneko errekurtsoa jartzea, edo Estatuko Gobernuari Hitzarmena eguneratzeko eskatzea, hitzarmenei eta nazioarteko beste akordio batzuei buruzko azaroaren 27ko 25/2014 Legearen 49., 50. eta 51. artikuluetan xedatutako prozedurak erabiliz. Izan ere, prozedura horietan autonomien parte-hartzea aurreikusten da. RESUMEN: El trabajo aborda la inconstitucionalidad, en lo que a España se refiere, del Convenio hispano-francés de 14 de julio de 1959, relativo a la pesca en el Bidasoa y Bahía de Higuer; tratado que regula la pesca fluvial, el marisqueo y la acuicultura en esos espacios, así como la inspección y sanción de las infracciones al mismo, pero que casi cuarenta años después del vigente bloque de constitucionalidad no ha sido enmendado para adaptarlo al mismo. Esto es, a la competencia exclusiva de la Comunidad Autónoma Vasca en esas materias y en esas aguas. Para corregir esta anomalía se propone que los órganos competentes de la Comunidad Autónoma Vasca soliciten al Gobierno del Estado la enmienda del Convenio en el marco de los procedimientos instaurados por los arts. 49, 50 y 51 de la Ley 25/2014, de 27 de noviembre, de Tratados y otros acuerdos internacionales; procedimientos que contemplan la participación autonómica. ABSTRACT: The article deals with the unconstitutionality, as far as Spain is concerned, of the Spanish-French Convention of July 14, 1959, concerning fishing in the Bidasoa and Higuer Bay; treaty ruling river fishing, shellfish and aquaculture in these waters as well as inspection and punishment of violations of it. Nevertheless, nearly forty years after the current block of constitutionality it has not been adapted to it; this is the exclusive competence of the Basque Autonomous Community in these areas and in those waters. To correct this anomaly the request by the competent bodies of the Basque Autonomous Community for the amendment of the Convention to the Government of the State in the framework of the procedures set up buy articles 49, 50 and 51 of the Law 27/2014, of 27 November, of treaties and other international agreements; procedures including regional participation, is proposed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Nikitin ◽  
Irina Bolgova ◽  
Yulia Nikitina

This article analyses the peace-making activities of Soviet/Russian nongovernmental public organisations (NGOs) with reference to the Federation for Peace and Conciliation, the successor of the Soviet Peace Committee. NGOs were formed at the initiative of the state and party organs of the Soviet system but were transformed into independent NGOs after the collapse of the USSR with their own active strategy of assistance in conflict resolution. This study is based upon unique archive materials and the personal experience of one of the authors, who used to work for such organisations. The study focuses on the ethnopolitical conflicts which took place between the collapse of the USSR and the mid‑1990s. There is a widespread opinion in academic literature that so-called non-governmental organisations set up by the government do not have their own identity, especially during social crises, and passively follow the government’s political line. However, the study of their activities demonstrates that during the first years after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, these organisations initiated a significant number of practical and political projects with the participation of high-ranked representatives of the governments, parliaments, and political parties of both post-Soviet and foreign states and international organisations, including the UN, OSCE, NATO, CIS, etc. This, in turn, played a role as a substantial supplement to classical interstate diplomacy and practically promoted the settlement of certain ethnopolitical conflicts. The archive materials analysed prove that in the early post-Soviet period, a certain inversion in the direction of political and ideological impulses took place, and a number of non-governmental organisations that used to transmit the interests of the Communist Party and state organs to the international environment were able to create new international projects and consultations in the form of “track one-and-a-half” diplomacy, i. e. the informal interaction of officials in the capacity of unofficial experts. And in such cases, it was NGOs which shaped the agenda and transmitted public interests to the state structures of Russia and the CIS states, mediating between fighting sides and amongst representatives of various states, practically assisting the settlement of ethnopolitical conflicts.


2019 ◽  
pp. 75-90
Author(s):  
Henk Addink

The concept of the rule of law has different—common law and continental—historical roots and traditional perspectives. The common law tradition is more focused on limiting the powers of the state, whereas the continental tradition focuses on not just to limit but also to empower the government. But both systems have a focus on the rule of law. The rule of law in the classical liberal tradition is based on four elements: legality, division and balance of powers, independent judicial control, and protection of fundamental rights. The differences between rule of law and rechtsstaat are: different concepts of the state, mixed legal systems and different approaches of a constitution, and different perspectives on human rights. There are two levels of development: a model in which law is a way of structuring and restricting the power of the state, the second level is more subjective and has important individual positions. The concept of good governance related to these developments makes clear the need to broaden the concept of the rule of law.


2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
András Jakab ◽  
Pál Sonnevend

Hungarian constitutional law – New Basic Law – Continuity with the previous democratic Constitution – Vision of the political community embedded in the new Basic Law – The level of protection of fundamental rights – Continuity and lack of foreseeability in the organisation of the state – European legal procedures against or about Hungary – The life prospects of the new Basic Law – Danger of constitutional crisis whenever the government does not hold a constitution-amending majority


Significance The moves are intended to strengthen the state-owned Federal Electricity Commission (CFE) -- a goal the government seems keen to achieve even if it means greatly restricting the activities of private firms. Impacts Aggressive resource nationalism risks spooking investors potentially interested in sectors other than energy. Higher electricity prices may eventually prove problematic for some economic activities, such as manufacturing and commerce. The government will probably face lengthy arbitration and legal procedures under trade and other international agreements.


Author(s):  
Kristin Huntoon ◽  
Jason Stacy ◽  
Susie Cioffi ◽  
Karin Swartz ◽  
Catherine Mazzola ◽  
...  

Abstract BACKGROUND In both academic and private practice, noncompete clauses are common in many neurological surgery contracts. Noncompete agreements vary, depending on various factors, including the surgeon’s subspecialty, location, and business-related considerations. Each individual state’s law on contracts determines the extent to which noncompete clauses are enforceable. OBJECTIVE To evaluate the disparate approaches of various states regarding the enforceability of these clauses and their components. METHODS This review surveys several of the most populous states’ law regarding noncompete clauses. This analysis includes an evaluation of state statutes and common law regarding noncompete clauses. It also relies on legal treatises and law review articles. RESULTS The enforceability of the noncompete clause depends on the state in which the physician is employed. CONCLUSION It is imperative that individuals understand the content of any noncompete clauses in their contract, as well the climate of the state in which they practice. The state's approach determines whether any part or all of the noncompete agreement is enforceable. A review by the Workforce Committee and the Medico-legal Committee of the Council of State Neurosurgical Societies (CSNS) provides explanation of the common elements in restrictive covenants or noncompete clauses and reviews the enforceability of these clauses.


2009 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 318-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie-José van Rie

AbstractThe OSCE mission was established on the invitation of the government of Georgia and with the consent of the leaders of the breakaway regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. One would therefore conclude that there would have been a sound basis for a political solution of the situation. The reality has proved otherwise. The JCC set up to serve as a forum for negotiations, became part of the problem and compromised rather than enabled the OSCE to fulfill its mediating role. The OSCE's security enhancing role in the break away regions was curtailed due to a lack of personnel. As a regional organization lacking political and economic leverage the OSCE was not up to the challenges of this complex situation. The article highlights the constraints of the OSCE in carrying out its mandate: no legal basis, consensus, increasing opposition from the part of CIS countries.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 156-175
Author(s):  
Dona Pratama Jonaidi ◽  
Andri G Wibisana

ABSTRAKMeskipun hak gugat pemerintah atas kerusakan dan/atau pencemaran lingkungan hidup telah menjadi hal yang lazim dewasa ini, namun di Indonesia landasan doktriner gugatan pemerintah tersebut masih jarang diperbincangkan. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian hukum doktrinal, penelitian ini dimaksudkan untuk menganalisis landasan teoretis hak gugat pemerintah. Berdasarkan kajian analisis atas peraturan dan putusan pengadilan yang berlaku, serta melakukan perbandingan dengan doktrin-doktrin yang berlaku dalam tradisi common law, tulisan ini menemukan bahwa gugatan pemerintah telah diajukan dalam beberapa dasar teoretis yang berbeda, antara lain: i) pemerintah sebagai wali lingkungan hidup; ii) kerugian negara; dan iii) konsekuensi tanggung jawab negara terkait lingkungan hidup. Selain itu, hak gugat pemerintah di Indonesia memiliki karakteristik yang serupa dengan yang ditemukan dalam doktrin public trust dan doktrin parens patriae. Kemiripan ini membawa pada konsekuensi hukum bahwa gugatan pemerintah atas pencemaran harus ditujukan semata-mata untuk memulihkan lingkungan hidup yang mengalami kerusakan/pencemaran.Kata kunci: doktrin; hak gugat pemerintah; kerugian lingkungan hidup. ABSTRACTDespite the government’s right to sue for environmental damage is a common practice in various countries nowadays, in Indonesia the theoretical basis of it is rare to be discussed. Using a doctrinal-research, this article analyzes the government’s right to sue with prevailing laws and court rulings and compares it to several common law doctrines. This article finds the government’s right to sue in Indonesia is based to three different theories, including: i) the government as a trustee of public natural resources; ii) state’s damage; and iii) the tail of state’s responsibility. In addition, the government’s right to sue also shares similar characteristics found in the public trust doctrine and parens patriae doctrine. The similarities bring about the legal basis that the government’s suit against pollution should primarily aim at restoration.Keywords: doctrine; environmental damage; government’s right to sue.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Apri Rotin Djusfi

Based on Pasal 18 Paragraph (2) of 1945 Constitution states that "the government of province and district / city set up and manages their own affairs in accordance with the principle of autonomy and duty of assistance". Then it was mentioned in Article 18B Paragraph (1) and Paragraph (2) which states that the State shall recognize and respect the units of local government which is special and privileged, and respect the customary law community unit along with their traditional rights.Tuha Peut institution is one of the traditional institutions in Acehnese society which has the authority to maintain the existence of customary law for generations. Constituent on the Governing of Aceh mandates that the resolution of social problems customarily taken through traditional institutions. Whereas, traditional institutions have function and act as a vehicle for public participation in the implementation of the Aceh Government and district / city governments in the field of peacefullness, tranquility, harmony, and public order. Keywords: Tuha Peut, Traditional Institutions.


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