Mexico energy moves could cause lasting damage

Significance The moves are intended to strengthen the state-owned Federal Electricity Commission (CFE) -- a goal the government seems keen to achieve even if it means greatly restricting the activities of private firms. Impacts Aggressive resource nationalism risks spooking investors potentially interested in sectors other than energy. Higher electricity prices may eventually prove problematic for some economic activities, such as manufacturing and commerce. The government will probably face lengthy arbitration and legal procedures under trade and other international agreements.

Author(s):  
Carlos FERNÁNDEZ DE CASADEVANTE ROMANÍ

LABURPENA: Lan honek Bidasoan eta Higerreko badian arrantzatzeari buruzko 1959ko uztailaren 14ko Espainiaren eta Frantziaren arteko hitzarmenaren konstituzio-kontrakotasuna aztertzen du, Espainiari dagokionez. Hitzarmen horrek, hain zuzen ere, espazio horietako ibai-arrantza, itsaski-bilketa eta akuikultura arautzen ditu, bai eta horietan egindako arau-hausteen ikuskapena eta zehapena ere, eta konstituzioa onartu eta ia berrogei urtera, ez du zuzenketarik izan araudi berrira egokitzeko. Hau da, alor horietan eta ur horietan Euskal Autonomia Erkidegoak duen eskumen esklusibora egokitu gabe dago oraindik. Arazo hori konpontzeko, bi aukera proposatzen dira: Euskal Autonomia Erkidegoaren organo eskudunek konstituzio-kontrakotasuneko errekurtsoa jartzea, edo Estatuko Gobernuari Hitzarmena eguneratzeko eskatzea, hitzarmenei eta nazioarteko beste akordio batzuei buruzko azaroaren 27ko 25/2014 Legearen 49., 50. eta 51. artikuluetan xedatutako prozedurak erabiliz. Izan ere, prozedura horietan autonomien parte-hartzea aurreikusten da. RESUMEN: El trabajo aborda la inconstitucionalidad, en lo que a España se refiere, del Convenio hispano-francés de 14 de julio de 1959, relativo a la pesca en el Bidasoa y Bahía de Higuer; tratado que regula la pesca fluvial, el marisqueo y la acuicultura en esos espacios, así como la inspección y sanción de las infracciones al mismo, pero que casi cuarenta años después del vigente bloque de constitucionalidad no ha sido enmendado para adaptarlo al mismo. Esto es, a la competencia exclusiva de la Comunidad Autónoma Vasca en esas materias y en esas aguas. Para corregir esta anomalía se propone que los órganos competentes de la Comunidad Autónoma Vasca soliciten al Gobierno del Estado la enmienda del Convenio en el marco de los procedimientos instaurados por los arts. 49, 50 y 51 de la Ley 25/2014, de 27 de noviembre, de Tratados y otros acuerdos internacionales; procedimientos que contemplan la participación autonómica. ABSTRACT: The article deals with the unconstitutionality, as far as Spain is concerned, of the Spanish-French Convention of July 14, 1959, concerning fishing in the Bidasoa and Higuer Bay; treaty ruling river fishing, shellfish and aquaculture in these waters as well as inspection and punishment of violations of it. Nevertheless, nearly forty years after the current block of constitutionality it has not been adapted to it; this is the exclusive competence of the Basque Autonomous Community in these areas and in those waters. To correct this anomaly the request by the competent bodies of the Basque Autonomous Community for the amendment of the Convention to the Government of the State in the framework of the procedures set up buy articles 49, 50 and 51 of the Law 27/2014, of 27 November, of treaties and other international agreements; procedures including regional participation, is proposed.


Significance Many areas of the Caribbean have trade, investment and family connections with communities in Florida. As the state now plays a pivotal role in US electoral politics, crises in the region can take on added political importance for parts of Florida’s electorate. Impacts Forecasts of short-term economic recovery for Florida remain highly uncertain given the continuing impact of the pandemic. Clashing interests across the Caribbean may demand greater coordination of US policy than the government can currently offer. Healthcare and disaster relief capabilities within the state are severely overstretched and could be overwhelmed by a new crisis.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Youliang Yan ◽  
Xixiong Xu

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether and how affiliation with the government-controlled business association, namely, China Federation of Industry and Commerce (CFIC), affects corporate philanthropy in an emerging market. Design/methodology/approach Through an analysis of survey data gathered from Chinese private firms, this paper conducts multiple regressions to examine the impact of the CFIC membership on corporate philanthropy. Findings Empirical results show that the CFIC membership of private entrepreneurs is significantly positively associated with corporate philanthropy. Moreover, this study finds that the provincial marketization level and the firm Communist Party branch attenuate the positive association between CFIC membership and corporate philanthropy, indicating that the effect of CFIC on corporate philanthropy is more pronounced in regions with lower marketization level and firms without Communist Party branch. The findings are robust to various alternate measures of corporate philanthropy and remain valid after controlling for potential endogeneity. Practical implications Firms will be more active in corporate philanthropy to respond to the government’s governance appeal when they join the CFIC. This highlights the implications of political connections and in particular on the value of government-controlled business associations in the Chinese business world. Originality/value This study extends the literature on the determinants of corporate philanthropy and deepens the theoretical understanding of the governance role of business association with Chinese characteristics.


2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Peterson K. Ozili

PurposeThis paper analyses the COVID-19 situation in Nigeria, its effect on the economy and the structural causes that worsened the coronavirus (COVID-19) crisis.Design/methodology/approachThis paper uses simple descriptive analysis to examine the COVID-19 situation in Nigeria.FindingsThe findings reveal that the economic downturn in Nigeria was triggered by a combination of declining oil price and spillovers from the COVID-19 outbreak, which not only led to a fall in the demand for oil products but also stopped economic activities from taking place when social distancing policies were enforced. The government responded to the crisis by providing financial assistance to businesses and a small number of households that were affected by the coronavirus (COVID-19) outbreak. The monetary authority adopted accommodative monetary policies and offered a targeted 3.5 trillion loan support to some sectors. These efforts should have prevented the economic crisis from occurring but it did not. Economic agents could not freely engage in economic activities for fear of contracting the COVID-19 disease that was spreading very fast at the time.Practical implicationsThe implication of the study is that policymakers should pay attention to three areas of the economy for economic and structural reform. One, policymakers should introduce economic reforms to diversify the economy and reduce Nigeria's dependence on revenue from crude oil export. Two, policymakers in Nigeria should invest in healthcare infrastructure to improve the ability of the national health system to withstand the outbreak of contagious diseases. Three, there is also a need to build appropriate digital infrastructure to facilitate the transition from “face-to-face” business activities to a “digital or online” business activities, which can help to grow the digital economy. Also, policymakers should use legislation to create a robust social welfare safety net for all citizens particularly for unemployed citizens and poor households.Originality/valueThis is the first paper that looks at the economic implication of COVID-19 in a West African country.


2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
András Jakab ◽  
Pál Sonnevend

Hungarian constitutional law – New Basic Law – Continuity with the previous democratic Constitution – Vision of the political community embedded in the new Basic Law – The level of protection of fundamental rights – Continuity and lack of foreseeability in the organisation of the state – European legal procedures against or about Hungary – The life prospects of the new Basic Law – Danger of constitutional crisis whenever the government does not hold a constitution-amending majority


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Feisal Khan

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyze the current state of corruption in Pakistan and evaluate attempts by the government to combat its entrenched corruption culture. Design/methodology/approach – The paper shows that Pakistan’s legacy of British colonial rule, its ethno-linguistic conflict and alternating civilian governments and military coups have weakened institutional capabilities, hindered capacity building and allowed systemic corruption to flourish there. Pakistan’s many anti-corruption efforts failed because they were used to attack political foes instead of strengthening institutional capabilities. Findings – Pakistan has maintained its highly authoritarian form of governance inherited from the British in 1947. The ruling elite view the state as a milch cow for their personal enrichment and this attitude is also reflected in the performance of its bureaucracy. Existing rules of conduct and administration are not enforced as citizens encounter corruption in their dealings with officials. At the policy level, key decisions are often made to benefit the decision makers. The paper concludes that without political will no significant improvement in the state of corruption in Pakistan is likely to occur. Originality/value – This paper will be useful for scholars, policy-makers and anti-corruption practitioners who are interested in corruption in Pakistan and whether the apparent institutionalization of parliamentary democracy has reduced corruption there.


Subject The sale of the Erdenet mine. Significance The day before parliamentary elections in June last year, Prime Minister Saikhanbileg Chimed announced the sale of 49% of shares held by the Russian government in the Erdenet Mining Corporation and the Mongolrostsvetmet mining company to Mongolia Copper Corporation, an unknown private Mongolian company. Subsequent parliamentary inquiry concluded that the sale was unconstitutional and the government ordered the shares transferred to the state on February 16 this year. The government’s actions received wide public support while polls reveal that the electorate views corruption as the main obstacle to Mongolia’s development Impacts Talk of 'nationalisation' in the Western media threatens to derail Mongolia's efforts to fix its image and attract foreign investors. The unusual circumstances of the sale raise suspicions of corruption and collusion between Mongolia's previous government and largest bank. The new government's will to scrutinise sale demonstrates the strength of Mongolia’s democracy.


Significance Journalists say the move is part of a wider crackdown that includes a judicial campaign against senate members who dispute the government’s right to abolish the upper house after winning a constitutional referendum on August 5. Officially, the focus of the crackdown is concern that an exiled businessman, Mohamed Bouamatou, may be financing opponents of the regime. However, the strategy also has a wider intimidatory effect on opponents and independent voices that might scrutinise the government. Mohamed Ould Ghadda, one of the most prominent critics, is already in jail, journalists and trade unionists have been subjected to questioning and the state prosecutor is pursuing other senators. Impacts The senate’s abolition removes a key institutional channel through which opponents can try to hold the government to account. Abdelaziz will become even more dominant on the political scene now that the senate has been shut down. The start of gas exports from the Tortue field in 2021 and expansion of the Tasiast gold mine will boost the government’s confidence.


Subject Reforms of China's state-owned enterprises. Significance China’s government rejects the wholesale privatisation of its state-owned enterprises (SOEs), but gradual reforms are under way that add up to significant changes. The government is consolidating state control in strategic industries, such as advanced manufacturing, but in the remaining areas is implementing market-based reforms that allow private investment in SOEs and force them to compete with private firms. Impacts SOEs providing public goods will stay under state control but may outsource to private firms to improve efficiency. Investing in SOEs is not always a safe bet; some will be allowed to fail. Competitive SOEs will make acquisitions of private firms, extending the state’s reach through market transactions.


Subject Situation regarding Myanmar's ethnic armed organisations. Significance The government and military in Myanmar and leaders of ten ethnically based guerrilla groups that have signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) last week pledged to step up their commitment to the peace process, to transform the NCA into a lasting settlement. Several other armed groups are still in conflict with the state, notwithstanding occasional ceasefires. State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) will very likely retain control over the civilian part of government following this year’s general election, but ethnic parties will probably make parliamentary gains at its expense. Impacts Suu Kyi is very unlikely to face pressure to step down even if the NLD’s parliamentary majority is heavily reduced. Even with increased seat share in parliament, ethnic parties will struggle to influence policy. China and India will double down on their support for the Myanmar military.


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