THE POLITICAL CULTURE OF THE SCOTTISH HIGHLANDS FROM CULLODEN TO WATERLOO

2003 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 511-532 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW MACKILLOP
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Social Development ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
Scottish Highlands ◽  
Supportive Relationship ◽  
British State

This article highlights the present lacuna in the study of politics and political culture in the Scottish Highlands between the battles of Culloden and Waterloo. It argues that this neglect is symptomatic of the contentious historiography that surrounds the Highland Clearances. Yet politics remained a crucial factor shaping landlord attitudes to improvements and their estates in general. Moreover, in contrast to their well-known failure to manage the region's economic and social development, Highland landlords exhibited a sophisticated understanding of how British politics had been reconfigured by the emergence of the British ‘fiscal-military’ state. The region's elites constructed a distinctive and effective political strategy that sought to place the Highlands in a mutually supportive relationship with the British state. Scottish Highland political culture thus offers a useful corrective to recent debates on the ‘fiscal-military’ state that stress either the centre's overwhelming power or the ability of local elites to resist that power. Although the Highlands is remembered primarily for its hostile relationship with the political centre, the region in fact constituted a prime example of the process of mutual accommodation that underpinned the domestic authority of the eighteenth-century British state.

From Servant of the King to ‘Idol of the Nation’

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian Swann
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Public Welfare ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Changes ◽  
Louis Xiv ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
Louis Xvi ◽  
The Revolution

The absolute monarchy was a personal monarchy and during the reign of Louis XIV, the king established a tradition that the king should act as his ‘own first minister’, coordinating the work of his ministerial servants. In the course of the eighteenth century that tradition was undermined by a series of social, administrative, and cultural changes to such an extent that by the 1780s ministers were increasingly behaving as independent political figures, courting public opinion and claiming to act in the name of public welfare or even the nation. By examining these changes, this chapter argues that the political culture of the absolute monarchy was in constant transition and that the failure of Louis XVI, in particular, to manage its effects was one of the principal causes of his loss of authority in the period preceding the Revolution of 1789.

JEAN-LOUIS DELOLME AND THE POLITICAL SCIENCE OF THE ENGLISH EMPIRE

2012 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
IAIN McDANIEL
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Modern Science ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Eighteenth Century ◽  
Late Eighteenth ◽  
The Stability ◽  
British State ◽  
Constitutional Republic

ABSTRACTThis article aims to extend our understanding of eighteenth-century political science through a re-examination of the writings of Jean-Louis Delolme (1741–1806). Beginning with an account of Delolme's conception of a modern ‘science of politics’, the article demonstrates that Delolme's ambition to rest the study of politics on scientific foundations developed in the context of an evolving concern with the stability and durability of the English ‘empire’. Underlining Delolme's critique of traditional republican political science as well as the comparative science of politics set out in Montesquieu's The spirit of the laws, the article thus sheds light on the connection between eighteenth-century conceptions of political science and eighteenth-century analyses of the English constitution and the British state. The article concludes with a brief discussion of the resonance of Delolme's central ideas in late eighteenth-century debates, in Britain, America, and France, about the character and properties of the modern constitutional republic.

THE SETUPATIS, THE DUTCH, AND OTHER BANDITS IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY RAMNAD (SOUTH INDIA)

2001 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 540-574 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lennart Bes
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
South India ◽  
East India Company ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dutch East India Company ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
South Indian ◽  
Marginal Power ◽  
Culture Politique

AbstractIn Ramnad, bandits could be king. The open-ended political culture of this South Indian kingdom presented even people on the margins of society with opportunities to attain political power. Likewise, the VOC (Dutch East India Company), operating from the coastal frontier of the kingdom, played a significant role in the political arena of Ramnad. Given this similarity, it may be asked whether the Dutch were regarded as neutral outsiders (as they themselves thought they were) or rather as an indigenous marginal power. By comparing the internal and regional relations of Ramnad with its contacts with the VOC, this article attempts to determine the kingdom's perception of the Company. In Ramnad, could the Dutch be bandits? En Ramnad, un royaume dans l'Inde méridional, il arrive que le bandit se fait roi. La culture politique, ainsi que les avenues du pouvoir y furent en principe ouvertes à tous; aux marginaux indigènes, vivants dans les terres sèches périphériques, autant qu'aux fonctionnaires de la compagnie néerlandaise des Indes Orientales, la VOC, qui avait un comptoir sur le littoral. Elle se considerait neutre. Toutefois elle allait jouer un rôle important dans l'arène politique de Ramnad. Or, au niveau conceptuel la question se pose si la perspective indigène différenciait entre le roturier indigène d'au-delà de la terre de grande culture, et l'aventurier étranger, ou par contre les confondait l'un l'autre. Cet article se propose d'y voir plus clair par l'étude des liens internes et régionals entretenus par le centre politique de Ramnad, en comparant ceux-ci avec les relations vis-à-vis la VOC pour en déduire le statut social des Hollandais dans la société indigène.

John Reeves's prosecution for a seditious libel, 1795–6: a study in political cynicism

1993 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 799-824 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. V. Beedell
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Political Cynicism ◽  
Subsequent Trial ◽  
Convenient Means ◽  
British State

ABSTRACTConsidered by many of his contemporaries in 1792–3 as the saviour of the British state, at his subsequent trial in 1796, Reeves was charged by the house of commons with seditious libel. The case offers an opportunity to scrutinize the current revisionist position which claims that loyalist values and ideologies, such as those promulgated by Reeves and his Association, were widely accepted and functioned as a natural bulwark against revolutionary principles and the destabilizing of the British state. But the publication of Reeves's ultra-tory tract Thoughts on the English government in 1795 not only provided the Foxite minority with a focus for its parliamentary attack on the 1795 Treason and Sedition bills, but, because of the overwhelming condemnation of the tract, forced Pitt publicly to repudiate Reeves and the entire ultra-tory position. Indeed, it is argued here that Reeves's church and king loyalist crusade of 1792–3 had been tolerated by Pitt's ministry merely as a convenient means of political intimidation and found little resonance in the political culture of the house of commons.

scholarly journals PEMBAURAN AGAMA DAN STRATEGI POLITIK KEBUDAYAAN: Kontestasi Identitas Etnis dalam Narasi Masyarakat Multikultur

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ibnu Mujib
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Religious Conversion ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Cultural Roots ◽  
The Future

As a strategy of the political culture, religious assimilation constructed in New Order has become a concept which is considered uneffective and failure. The Post-reformation era has become the sign of the failure of the concept of religous assimilation. The policy of the religious assimilation which is disigned for reducing conflicts between ‘Pribumi vs Tionghoa’. In fact, it has sharpenned and deepened the gaps between the two groups. Religious conversion by the Chiness in terms of assimilationism of new order turns to be a political strategy to describe and to have the pribumi identity which is considered as the majority and muslim. In this case, everyone can claim their own identity and say “who I am”, “who you are”, and “who we are”. In the future, for the agenda of assimilation, religious conversion will loose it’s the relevance. It is see that the process of assimilation appears from social engeneering that separates the differences of cultural roots of ‘Tionghoa-Pribumi’ while the contestation of culture in area of multiculturalism reunites the entity of diversity into the singgel identity. Therefore, the celebration of Chines New Year (IMLEK) in mosques in Yogyakarta becomes a form of integration of identity between Tionghoa-Islam and Java.     <br />

Liberty, Property and the Post-Culloden Acts of Parliament in the Gáidhealtachd

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew P. Dziennik
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Scottish Highlands ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
State Authority ◽  
Eighteenth Century Britain

This chapter examines how the post-Culloden acts of the British Parliament, intended to ‘assimilate’ the Scottish Highlands to Whig and British norms, was appropriated and adapted by local political actors. In the aftermath of the Jacobite rebellion of 1745–1746, Parliament passed a series of measures designed to end forever the Jacobite threat to the Hanoverian state. The accepted association of the Gaelic-speaking Scottish Highlands with Jacobitism made the Gàidhealtachd the explicit target of these measures. Drawing on H. T. Dickinson’s work on the political ideologies of eighteenth-century Britain, the chapter investigates how Gaels negotiated the application of state authority. It considers the Act of Proscription (1746), the second of four major parliamentary acts passed in conjunction with the suppression of the Jacobite rebellions.

Religion and the Churches

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
S.J.D. Green
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Politics ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
British State ◽  
Role Of Religion ◽  
Do So

This chapter explores the role of religion and the churches in British political life since 1800. It argues that during this period the British state gradually attempted to remove religious dispute from public life, and yet frequently failed to do so. The chapter examines a series of political problems posed by questions of religion and the churches, including nineteenth-century Ireland, the proliferation of diverse varieties of Christianity throughout the United Kingdom, the connections between religion and the political parties, and the challenges of secularization. It concludes that, even in a mostly secular country, British politics continues to be haunted by religion.

In Search of Common Happiness

2021 ◽  
pp. 70-103
Author(s):  
Brad A. Jones
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
New York City ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
York City ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Well Being ◽  
Stamp Act

This chapter investigates how, in the absence of a shared discourse of Loyalism, Britons in the Atlantic were confronted with a crisis of identity in the late 1760s and early 1770s. Britons were reared in a shared political culture that regularly framed political controversies as a struggle between popish tyranny and Protestant liberty. This was certainly true during celebrations of the repeal of the unpopular Stamp Act, which many perceived as detrimental to the political and economic well-being of their empire. But by 1773, the inhabitants of New York City, Glasgow, Kingston, and Halifax had begun to pursue different and often competing paths in the ongoing crisis, which demonstrated the tenuous nature of popular British loyalty in the latter half of the eighteenth century. In the absence of a common shared enemy, these same subjects reverted to far more local and conflicting understandings of Britishness, which were defined most crucially by events that directly concerned their communities.

People and Power in British Politics to 1850

2013 ◽  
pp. 129-146
Author(s):  
Joanna Innes
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political System ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Politics ◽  
The People ◽  
Governmental Institutions ◽  
Simple Notion ◽  
The Impact

Although British institutions underwent less formal restructuring during this period than those of the United States and France (bar the limited ones instituted by the Reform Acts of 1832) yet there were changes in the way the political system functioned, and significant developments in popular interaction with politics. The people were increasingly perceived as independent actors, throwing up their own leaders, pressing upon governmental institutions from without, and trying to impose their own agendas upon the political classes. This chapter surveys these developments under three heads: voting (encompassing both changes in the impact of voting and demands for extensions to the franchise); petitioning and association. To complicate any simple notion of trends, it also sketches the character of popular political culture at two specific conjunctures, the 1790s and 1840s.

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