scholarly journals PEMBAURAN AGAMA DAN STRATEGI POLITIK KEBUDAYAAN: Kontestasi Identitas Etnis dalam Narasi Masyarakat Multikultur

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ibnu Mujib
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Religious Conversion ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Cultural Roots ◽  
The Future

As a strategy of the political culture, religious assimilation constructed in New Order has become a concept which is considered uneffective and failure. The Post-reformation era has become the sign of the failure of the concept of religous assimilation. The policy of the religious assimilation which is disigned for reducing conflicts between ‘Pribumi vs Tionghoa’. In fact, it has sharpenned and deepened the gaps between the two groups. Religious conversion by the Chiness in terms of assimilationism of new order turns to be a political strategy to describe and to have the pribumi identity which is considered as the majority and muslim. In this case, everyone can claim their own identity and say “who I am”, “who you are”, and “who we are”. In the future, for the agenda of assimilation, religious conversion will loose it’s the relevance. It is see that the process of assimilation appears from social engeneering that separates the differences of cultural roots of ‘Tionghoa-Pribumi’ while the contestation of culture in area of multiculturalism reunites the entity of diversity into the singgel identity. Therefore, the celebration of Chines New Year (IMLEK) in mosques in Yogyakarta becomes a form of integration of identity between Tionghoa-Islam and Java.     <br />

scholarly journals PEMBAURAN AGAMA DAN STRATEGI POLITIK KEBUDAYAAN: Kontestasi Identitas Etnis dalam Narasi Masyarakat Multikultur

2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Ibnu Mujib
Keyword(s):  
Religious Conversion ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Global Culture ◽  
The Future ◽  
Single Identity ◽  
The Common ◽  
Common Identity ◽  
The Way

<p>As a strategy of the politic of culture, religious assimilation constructed in New Order has become a concept which is considered ineffective and failed. The policy of the religious assimilation designed for reducing conflicts between "Pribumi vs Tionghoa", in fact, has deepened the gaps between the two groups. Religious conversion by the Chinese in terms of assimilation of New Order turns to be a political strategy to describe and to have the pribumi identity. It is a political strategy to hide the aspects of Chinese and Non-muslim in their identity in order to be accepted as "Pribumi." Everyone can claim their own identity and say "who I am," who you are", and who we are". By doing so, it is part of the way for people to understand each identity that emphasize on the common identity. In the future, religious conversion will loose its the relevance, especially in the context of contestation of global culture. The contestation of culture in area of multiculturalism reunites the entity of diversity into single identity. Therefore, The celebrition of Chinese new year (Imlek) in mosques in Yogyakarta becomes a form of integration of identity between Tionghoa Islam and Java.</p><p> </p><p>Sebagai strategi politik budaya, asimilasi agama yang dibangun di masa Orde Baru telah menjadi konsep yang dianggap tidak efektif dan gagal. Kebijakan asimilasi keagamaan yang dirancang untuk mengurangi konflik antara "Pribumi vs Tionghoa", pada kenyataannya, telah memperdalam kesenjangan antara kedua kelompok tersebut. Pertobatan agama oleh orang Tionghoa dalam hal asimilasi Orde Baru berubah menjadi strategi politik untuk menggambarkan dan memiliki identitas pribumi. Ini adalah strategi politik untuk menyembunyikan aspek orang Tionghoa dan Non-Muslim dalam identitas mereka agar bisa diterima sebagai "Pribumi." Setiap orang dapat mengklaim identitas mereka sendiri dan berkata "siapa saya," siapa Anda ", dan siapa kita". Dengan demikian, ini adalah bagian dari cara bagi orang untuk memahami setiap identitas yang menekankan pada identitas umum. Ke depan, konversi agama akan kehilangan relevansinya, terutama dalam konteks kontestasi budaya global. Kontestasi budaya di bidang multikulturalisme mempertemukan entitas keanekaragaman menjadi identitas tunggal. Oleh karena itu, perayaan tahun baru Imlek di masjid-masjid di Yogyakarta menjadi bentuk integrasi identitas antara Tionghoa Islam dan Jawa.</p>

scholarly journals Budaya Politik Sivil dan Pendemokrasian di Indonesia : Sebuah Analisa Politik

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 59
Author(s):  
Indra Fauzan ◽  
Nidzam Sulaiman
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Economic Recession ◽  
Student Movements ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Political Condition ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
Class Society ◽  
Civil Values

<em>Democratization in Indonesia is a political shift from non-democracy to democracy. This political shift affects political change in Indonesia. Many scholars see that this democratization is due to the factors of economic recession, internal internal conflicts and political parties of New Order advocates, Student Movements or opposition. The aim of this study is to see how the process of political culture in Indonesia has come to the democratization of many scholars who have overlooked this political culture. The method used is literature study in the context of collecting data through documents such as Books, Journals, Bachelor Theses and some other references, this method of inquiry is chosen to better understand the political condition of Indonesia textually. In this context, political culture has become a major factor in the catalysts of democratization because the political culture of a middle-class society is a result of a long process resulting in the formation of civil values that impede democratization. This article ultimately aims to contribute thought in the process of building democratic values during democratization.</em>

I. The Augustan Historian

1974 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 5-7
Keyword(s):  
Nazi Germany ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
The Past ◽  
Ab Urbe Condita ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Relationship

During the past forty years the dominant preoccupation of scholars writing on Livy has been the relationship between the historian and the emperor Augustus, and its effects on the Ab Urbe Condita. Tacitus’ testimony that the two were on friendly terms, and Suetonius’ revelation that Livy found time to encourage the historical studies of the future emperor Claudius, appeared to have ominous overtones to scholars writing against the political backcloth of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. Though the subject had not been wholly ignored previously, the success of the German cultural propaganda-machine stimulated a spate of approving or critical treatments. While some were hailing Livy as the historian whose work signalled and glorified the new order, others following a similar interpretation were markedly scathing.

THE POLITICAL CULTURE OF THE SCOTTISH HIGHLANDS FROM CULLODEN TO WATERLOO

2003 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 511-532 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW MACKILLOP
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Social Development ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
Scottish Highlands ◽  
Supportive Relationship ◽  
British State

This article highlights the present lacuna in the study of politics and political culture in the Scottish Highlands between the battles of Culloden and Waterloo. It argues that this neglect is symptomatic of the contentious historiography that surrounds the Highland Clearances. Yet politics remained a crucial factor shaping landlord attitudes to improvements and their estates in general. Moreover, in contrast to their well-known failure to manage the region's economic and social development, Highland landlords exhibited a sophisticated understanding of how British politics had been reconfigured by the emergence of the British ‘fiscal-military’ state. The region's elites constructed a distinctive and effective political strategy that sought to place the Highlands in a mutually supportive relationship with the British state. Scottish Highland political culture thus offers a useful corrective to recent debates on the ‘fiscal-military’ state that stress either the centre's overwhelming power or the ability of local elites to resist that power. Although the Highlands is remembered primarily for its hostile relationship with the political centre, the region in fact constituted a prime example of the process of mutual accommodation that underpinned the domestic authority of the eighteenth-century British state.

The Political Culture of the Future Elites

2019 ◽  
pp. 163-167
Author(s):  
Hans-Georg Heinrich ◽  
Slawomir Wiatr
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Future

Dynamics of conversations

2021 ◽  
pp. 127-154
Author(s):  
Cristina Rosillo-López
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Written Communication ◽  
Conversational Analysis ◽  
Power Struggles ◽  
Constituent Part ◽  
The Future

Chapter 5 analyses the political conversations that Cicero transmitted in direct style from the point of view of conversational analysis, dissecting their dynamics and revealing how they constructed relationships and provided an outlet for self-representation during power struggles. Such conversations allowed the deployment of persuasiveness, tentative questions, sous-entendres, and the circulation of information that written communication could not provide. An analysis of conversational dynamics has revealed that certain elements consistently recur. First, there is the presence of political speculations and predictions about the future. Secondly, we can point to the presence of feelings and impressions, either as a result of the conversation or concerning the other speaker. The chapter argues that such conversations should be considered a constituent part of political culture.

All the World’s a Stage

2020 ◽  
pp. 85-124
Author(s):  
Priya Atwal
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Strategic Alliance ◽  
East India Company ◽  
Cultural Norms ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Indian Politics ◽  
New Class ◽  
The Future

This chapter studies the diplomatic endeavours of Ranjit Singh and his family. It argues that the long-term development of a ‘friendship’ between the Punjabi royals and the East India Company formed another key aspect of the political strategy behind the making of the Sikh Empire forged by the former Sukerchakia misl. It examines how the nature of Anglo-Punjabi diplomacy was deeply influenced by the cultural norms of northern Indian politics, which placed notions of kinship and izzat (honour) at their heart, and which were in turn re-shaped by the new class of Sikh royalty that emerged from the eighteenth century onwards. This chapter discusses how Ranjit Singh ambitiously deployed his sons and wives as ambassadorial figures, and sought to bind senior British officials in close ties with his immediate family, to ensure that the strategic alliance he formed with the Company would remain steadfast for the future. The Maharajah’s goal was nothing short of projecting the name and fame of his kingdom onto a global royal stage.

Growing up Democratic: Generational Change in East Asian Democracies

2014 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
RUSSELL DALTON ◽  
DOH CHULL SHIN
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Cultural Change ◽  
East Asian ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
New Order ◽  
Growing Up ◽  
Generational Change ◽  
Citizenship Norms

AbstractMost new democracies face a challenge of reshaping the political culture to support the new democratic political order. This can often be a long-term process, complicated by the Realpolitik of governing in a new political (and often economic) system. One of the mechanisms of cultural change is generational change. New generations socialized after a democratic transition are presumably educated into the political norms of the new democratic regime. However, one can also imagine that the young lack clear political cues because they grow up under a system in transition, or even reject the new order if it is accompanied by widespread social dislocation. The study of generational change in new democracies thus provides insights into the processes transforming a nation's political culture. We analyze generational change in the new democracies of East Asia using the Second Wave of the East Asian Barometer. We examine support for a democratic/authoritarian regime and the citizenship norms that underlie a democratic process (such as the rule of law and political tolerance). Our results yield evidence of significant generational change in regime norms in these new democracies, which suggests that the political culture is gradually being transformed.

Risk, Desire and Adaptation: The Paradox of Queer Solidarity and the Political Possibility of Death Under Neoliberalism and Homonationalism

Somatechnics ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-200
Author(s):  
Natalie Kouri-Towe
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sexual Rights ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Rights Discourse ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Strategy I

In 2015, Queers Against Israeli Apartheid Toronto (QuAIA Toronto) announced that it was retiring. This article examines the challenges of queer solidarity through a reflection on the dynamics between desire, attachment and adaptation in political activism. Tracing the origins and sites of contestation over QuAIA Toronto's participation in the Toronto Pride parade, I ask: what does it mean for a group to fashion its own end? Throughout, I interrogate how gestures of solidarity risk reinforcing the very systems that activists desire to resist. I begin by situating contemporary queer activism in the ideological and temporal frameworks of neoliberalism and homonationalism. Next, I turn to the attempts to ban QuAIA Toronto and the term ‘Israeli apartheid’ from the Pride parade to examine the relationship between nationalism and sexual citizenship. Lastly, I examine how the terms of sexual rights discourse require visible sexual subjects to make individual rights claims, and weighing this risk against political strategy, I highlight how queer solidarities are caught in a paradox symptomatic of our times: neoliberalism has commodified human rights discourses and instrumentalised sexualities to serve the interests of hegemonic power and obfuscate state violence. Thinking through the strategies that worked and failed in QuAIA Toronto's seven years of organising, I frame the paper though a proposal to consider political death as a productive possibility for social movement survival in the 21stcentury.

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