Huguenot Immigrants and the Formation of National IDENTITIES, 1548–1787

2007 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
SUSANNE LACHENICHT

This article addresses the extent to which Protestant states in Europe and North America depicted the French Protestants who had found refuge in these states, as having contributed to the process of nation building and the formation of national identity. It is shown that the arrival of Huguenots was portrayed positively as the historians of these nations could contend that Huguenots had been absorbed readily into the host society because their virtues of frugality and industry corresponded admirably with the ethic of their hosts. The article demonstrates that, in no case, did this depiction correspond with reality. It shows that within those countries of refuge, Huguenots fostered a distinctive French Protestant identity that enabled them to remain aloof from the culture of their host society. In all cases Huguenots asserted themselves as a self-confident minority, convinced of the superiority of their language and culture who believed themselves to be privileged in this world as in the next. When national histories came to be composed, this dimension to the Huguenot minorities came to be expunged from historical memory as was also the fact that the Huguenots were but one of several minorities whose distinctiveness had contributed largely to the shaping of the state, culture, and society of the emerging nation-states.

2021 ◽  
pp. 38-55
Author(s):  
Melisa Zukić

The emergence of a nation can be understood through the prism of modernist or traditionalist ideas but both ideas agree on the fact that the struggle for territory and influence, the development of the state through the bureaucracy and the collective experience of the community are fundamental conditions for the emergence of a nation and national identity. National identity creates an atmosphere and space in which members of the nation exist, providing the possibility of socialization and cooperation between different strata of society that accept common values and traditions, which has enabled a uniform collective self-definition. The theoretical starting points for understanding the origin of the nation inevitably touch on the French theoretical aspect for which the state is a community of people in a certain area, the homeland is represented by a repository of historical memories, and the patria by a community of laws and institutions of unified political will. From the German theoretical aspect, the emphasis is on the nation as a community of birth and gender culture. The people are understood as a superfamily of common ancestors, languages, customs and religions. In addition to the above theories, the theory of the historical will to live together is unavoidable, which emphasizes the common historical destiny of people living in one country, thus creating a common identity that has a transcendent meaning. In addition to the above, the nation can be understood as a judicial-administrative product with a collective foundation in the state within which sovereignty arises. The cultural background of the creation of the nation and national identities, in its essence, opposes the modern desacralization of the world. Although Western nationalism offered an integrative force for the creation of larger states that no other ideology could provide until then, it led to bloody conflicts and violence in the transition from agrarian to industrial societies. The crises produced by nationalism have been overcome by secularized ideas, values, myths and symbols from the Judeo-Christian tradition, which is easiest to reach in Western European societies in times of crisis. Nation-states in the Muslim world did not appear until the 20th century. After the decisive secularization, nation-states became a political framework in Muslim societies as well. Nationality in its loyalty to the nation was opposed to the hitherto generally accepted loyalty to the ummah. In order to alleviate the tension in this regard, the starting point for the development of nations in Muslim societies is the secularization of traditional values. Religious feeling remains at the root of nationalism in Muslim societies, so loyalty to a nation implicitly means religious loyalty as well. Nevertheless, modern processes of globalization transcend nation and national identities as sources of interethnic conflicts. The foundations are being laid for a global pacification culture that encourages self-definition of local cultural identities and a new way of emphasizing people's sovereignty. As modernization failed in the expectation of weakening national consciousness, national identities and nationalist movements strengthened at the end of the 20th century. The nation once again has the potential to offer solutions to problems that have emerged in a globalizing world in which a sense of continuity of a common past has been disrupted, as important determinants of identity.


2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 457-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Lawrence Schrad

“Tell a man today to go and build a state,” Samuel Finer once stated, “and he will try to establish a definite and defensible boundary and compel those who live inside it to obey him.” While at best an oversimplification, Finer's insight illuminates an interesting aspect of state-society relations. Who is it that builds the state? How and where do they establish territorial boundaries, and how are those who live within that territory compelled to obey? Generally speaking, these are the questions that will be addressed here. Of more immediate concern is the fate of peoples located in regions where arbitrary land boundaries fall. Are they made loyal to the state through coercion or by their own compulsions? More importantly, how are their identities shaped by the efforts of the state to differentiate them from their compatriots on the other side of the borders? How is the shift from ethnic to national identities undertaken? A parallel elaboration of the national histories of the populations of Karelia and Moldova will shed light on these questions. The histories of each group are marked by a myriad of attempts to differentiate the identity of each ethnic community from their compatriots beyond the state's borders. The results of such overt, state-initiated efforts to differentiate borderland populations by encouraging a national identity at the expense of the ethnic, has ranged from the mundane to the tragic—from uneventful assimilation to persecution and even genocide. As an illustration of the range of possibilities and processes, I maintain that the tragedies of Karelia and Moldova are not exceptional, but rather are a consequence of their geographical straddling of arbitrary borders, and the need for the state to promote a distinctive national identity for these populations to differentiate them socially from their compatriots beyond the frontier.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (I) ◽  
pp. 1-13

Pakistan has frequently been viewed as a stronghold of Islamic radicals, often overlooking the fact that various trends of both dormant and obvious conflicts exist between the politics of religion and region. Whereas the former is mainly controlled by the state, the latter is generally influenced by language and ethnicity. The state’s monolithic notion of national identity, from the country’s birth in 1947 to the present, has overshadowed the regional identities mainly the Pashtuns, Baluchis, and Sindhis, and disregarded the minority credos such as Shias, Parsis, Ahmadis, Hindus, and Christians. The present article aims to explore how contemporary Pakistani fiction in English spotlights images of a fragmented national self, underlining plights of the aforementioned marginal groups and exhibiting strong resistance to hidebound national identity. Reviewing contemporary Pakistani fiction in English with a particular focus on the fiction of Bapsi Sidhwa, Sara Suleri, Kamila Shamsie, Nadeem Aslam, Bina Shah, and Jamil Ahmad, this paper aims to bring critical attention of the scholars to the socio-cultural and political valuation of the regional identities.


2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (11) ◽  
pp. 91-102
Author(s):  
I. Semenenko

Analyzing discourses on interethnic relations can contribute to a clearer understanding of the focal points of tensions in contemporary political communities sharing a common territory and common political institutions. These discourses represent the complex of problems related to nation-building and are generated both in the public sphere and in academic discussion. As such, they often develop separately one from the other. Assessing the current academic discourse on nations and nationalism, on nation-building and the nation-state, on citizenship, cultural diversity and interethnic conflict can contribute to the formation of the agenda of a politics of identity aimed at building a civic nation. Memory politics deserve special attention in this context, as the interpretation of historic memory has today become a powerful instrument that political elites can use to consolidate the nation and, in different contexts, to politicize ethnicity and deepen cleavages in existing nation-states. The affirmation of a positive civic (national) identity is a reference framework for modern democratic societies, and it is in meeting the challenges of politicizing ethnicity that political priorities and academic interests meet. However, the current domination of politics over academia in this conflict prone sphere contributes to its radicalization and to the formation of negative and exclusive identities that can be manipulated to pursue elitist group interests. Evaluating models of political organization alternative to the ones known today (such as “the nation-state”) does not aspire to “write off” the nation, but this can help to come up with visions and ideas politics can take up to overcome the conflict potential that contemporary societies generate over ethnic issues. Acknowledgements. This article was prepared with financial support provided by the Russian Science Foundation [research grant № 15-18-00021, “Regulating interethnic relations and managing ethnic and social conflicts in the contemporary world: the resource potential of civic identity (a comparative political analysis)”]. The research was conducted at the Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO), RAS.


2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 501-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Silverberg

Caught between political allegiance to the Soviet Union and a shared history with West Germany, the German Democratic Republic (GDR) occupied an awkward position in Cold War Europe. While other countries in the Eastern Bloc already existed as nation-states before coming under Soviet control, the GDR was the product of Germany's arbitrary division. There was no specifically East German culture in 1945—only a German culture. When it came to matters of national identity, officials in the GDR's ruling Socialist Unity Party (SED) could not posit a unique quality of “East Germanness,” but could only highlight East Germany's difference from its western neighbor. This difference did not stem from the language and culture of the past, but the politics and ideology of the present: East Germany was socialist Germany.


Slavic Review ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Greble Balić

While a central policy of the Independent State of Croatia during World War II called for the removal of “Serbs,” the majority of people who identified themselves (or were identified by the regime) as Serbs in Sarajevo—the second largest city in the state—remained “safe.” In order to understand why this was the case, Emily Greble Balic examines the interplay between local identity politics and state policies of genocide and nation-building. In so doing, she sheds light on such broad issues as the ambiguity of national identity at the local level; the limitations of traditional understandings of “resistance”; and the options open to members of the victim, or “foreign” group, as a result of the disjunction between national and local agendas.


2017 ◽  
Vol 163 ◽  
pp. 415-427
Author(s):  
Anna Ursulenko

Is anation like fine wine — the older the better? Reformation of nation genealogy vs. nation-building strategiesThe proposed article explores the symbolism of the terms “old” and “old age” from the perspective of cultural considerations on national communities. Focusing on connections between historical memory and the process of shaping national identity, the author analyzed selected variants of the origin myth including anumber of quasihistorical theories on the ethnogenesis of Ukrainians operating in Ukrainian public sphere. The author not only characterized them showing their effect on Ukrainian public opinion, but also showed selected causes of their creation, such as the imperative to rebuild genealogical memory of the nation, cultivating romantic national mythology, and the need of apositive national auto-stereotype. Moreover, the author described several examples of the reaction of the Ukrainian scientific community on mythmaking cases in the field of national history.Чи народ, як і вино — чим старіший, тим краще? Відтворення генеалогії народу з перспективи народотворчих стратегійСтаття розглядає символіку визначень „старий”, „старість” з перспективи культурологі-чних роздумів над національними спільнотами. В центр уваги автора потрапив зв’язок пи­тань історичної пам’яті з процесом формування національної ідентичності. Проаналізовано вибрані варіанти міфу початку головним чином низку квазіісторичних теорій етногенезу українського народу, які функціонують в українському публічному просторі. Здійснено їх загальну характеристику, показано їхній вплив на українське суспільство, а також вказано на такі причини їхньої появи як: імператив відбудови генеалогічної пам’яті народу, плекан­ня романтичної національної міфології, потреба формування позитивного національного автостереотипу тощо. Описано також приклади реакції наукового середовища України на випадки такої міфотворчості на ниві національної історії.


2020 ◽  
pp. 158-173
Author(s):  
Mykhailo Boichenko ◽  
Yuliia Rudenko

The article is devoted to the analysis of the ratio of external and internal sources of state sovereignty. It is found that sovereignty cannot be established without external sources, and the sovereignty of the state is to establish external relations with other states as political monads, i. e. coexisting political substances. At the same time, the sovereignty of the state is closely interconnected with the idea of national identity: the justification of sovereignty is the integration of all cultural groups of the country around the idea of national identity, which is the subject of protection of state sovereignty. The national idea acts as the main source of legitimation of the state’s sovereignty, and the national identity acts as a mechanism for combining the national idea and the state’s sovereignty. In today’s globalized society, national identity appears not as an opponent of internationalism, but as a prerequisite for building international relations in recognition of the sovereignty of states that have their own national idea. The global state appears not as a replacement for the nation-state, but only as a principle of interdependence and expression of the need for cooperation between modern nation-states. Global civil society creates a need for the principle of multilateralism in the interaction between modern states, i. e. the need for their constructive interaction based on mutual respect for the idea of national identity and its derivatives — national interests, national values and so on. The strategic provision of internal sources of state sovereignty, especially a clear link between national identity and the integrated national idea, makes possible and appropriate to turn to external sources of state sovereignty.


Author(s):  
Veronika Maricic

Even though the interrelation of the emergence of modern mass school systems andprocesses of nation-building in the modern era has evoked academic interest, suchresearch endeavours are generally exemplified by case studies of established nationstates.Conversely, this article demonstrates the pertinence of widening the researchscope beyond the synthesis of the nation and the state, by focusing on the particularcase of Scotland as a nation without a state and the role schools played in creatingScottish national identity in the wake of the Union of Parliaments in 1707. Therebyfocus is put on textbooks as a materialisation of curricula and an extended armof school governance. The article concludes with insights that can be derived fromthis case study for the case of Scottish nationalism as well as its significance for thestudy of nationalism, education and their interrelation in general.Key words: loyal national citizens; nation-building; school system; Scotland.


Author(s):  
E.M. Amelina

The author analyzes the views of the famous philosopher, sociologist and politician Petr Struve, whose ideas have enduring relevance in view of the problems of maintaining state unity and developing both culture and national identity. The main object of this research is Struve’s views on the essence of the state and national culture and on their role in the life of Russia. It is indicated that the position of the thinker presupposed a certain historiosophy – an interpretation of history as a process of development of spiritual culture. The features of Peter Struve’s liberal-conservatism and his understanding of the state as a “collective personality”, possessing a “superintelligent” nature are considered. The philosopher’s approach, which aimed at analyzing the seamless connection between state, culture and nationality is analyzed. The author considers how the thinker interpreted the essence of nationality and nationalism, as well as criticized the radical intelligentsia’s “official nationalism” and “absence of a feeling of national belonging”. She examines the philosopher’s views on the outstanding role of the state in Russian history and his understanding of such “fatal” reasons of its destruction as the insufficient involvement of the cultivated elements of the nobility in the ruling of the state as well as the belated abolition of serfdom law. The author also explains Struve’s views on the slogan of class struggle as decisively contributing to the cultural decomposition of the nation and to undermining the unity of the state. She also addresses the views of P.B. Struve, G.P. Fedotov and S.L. Frank concerning the reasons why the sense of national identity was weak in Russia. She concludes that, according to Struve, one of the reasons for the revolutionary radical upheavals in the country was the fact that the radical intelligentsia sowed in the broad masses of the people the ideological poison of “anti-state rebellion” and the “spirit of Bolshevism”. This contributed to a weak demand for national-state ideals and liberal-conservative ideas.


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