scholarly journals Negotiating Conflict: Regional and National Identities in Contemporary Pakistani Fiction in English

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (I) ◽  
pp. 1-13

Pakistan has frequently been viewed as a stronghold of Islamic radicals, often overlooking the fact that various trends of both dormant and obvious conflicts exist between the politics of religion and region. Whereas the former is mainly controlled by the state, the latter is generally influenced by language and ethnicity. The state’s monolithic notion of national identity, from the country’s birth in 1947 to the present, has overshadowed the regional identities mainly the Pashtuns, Baluchis, and Sindhis, and disregarded the minority credos such as Shias, Parsis, Ahmadis, Hindus, and Christians. The present article aims to explore how contemporary Pakistani fiction in English spotlights images of a fragmented national self, underlining plights of the aforementioned marginal groups and exhibiting strong resistance to hidebound national identity. Reviewing contemporary Pakistani fiction in English with a particular focus on the fiction of Bapsi Sidhwa, Sara Suleri, Kamila Shamsie, Nadeem Aslam, Bina Shah, and Jamil Ahmad, this paper aims to bring critical attention of the scholars to the socio-cultural and political valuation of the regional identities.

2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 457-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Lawrence Schrad

“Tell a man today to go and build a state,” Samuel Finer once stated, “and he will try to establish a definite and defensible boundary and compel those who live inside it to obey him.” While at best an oversimplification, Finer's insight illuminates an interesting aspect of state-society relations. Who is it that builds the state? How and where do they establish territorial boundaries, and how are those who live within that territory compelled to obey? Generally speaking, these are the questions that will be addressed here. Of more immediate concern is the fate of peoples located in regions where arbitrary land boundaries fall. Are they made loyal to the state through coercion or by their own compulsions? More importantly, how are their identities shaped by the efforts of the state to differentiate them from their compatriots on the other side of the borders? How is the shift from ethnic to national identities undertaken? A parallel elaboration of the national histories of the populations of Karelia and Moldova will shed light on these questions. The histories of each group are marked by a myriad of attempts to differentiate the identity of each ethnic community from their compatriots beyond the state's borders. The results of such overt, state-initiated efforts to differentiate borderland populations by encouraging a national identity at the expense of the ethnic, has ranged from the mundane to the tragic—from uneventful assimilation to persecution and even genocide. As an illustration of the range of possibilities and processes, I maintain that the tragedies of Karelia and Moldova are not exceptional, but rather are a consequence of their geographical straddling of arbitrary borders, and the need for the state to promote a distinctive national identity for these populations to differentiate them socially from their compatriots beyond the frontier.


2005 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 315-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacques E. C. Hymans

The present article suggests that expressions of Japanese identity may be more malleable and receptive to international influences than is usually thought. Through a study of the evolution of images printed on Japanese banknotes and of the political processes behind that evolution, the article shows Japanese state elites consciously following international models of identity content. In particular, it describes the shifts in Japanese banknote iconography in the early 1980s and again in the early 2000s as the product of a drive for conformity with the iconographic norms of European currencies. The state has been the main protagonist in this story, but for a full accounting of the magnitude and pace of iconographic change on the yen, it is necessary to unpack the “black box” of the state.


2016 ◽  
pp. 877-888
Author(s):  
Miodrag Cujic

The cultural heritage and historical monuments are silent witnesses of social development and they deserve a special place in the world?s annals, both in material and in spiritual sense. In this regard, UNESCO has undertaken a number of measures which recognize such values. However, the current international events directly usurp cultural and historical features using international politics which in the process of globalization puts in an uncertain position the characteristics of certain national identities. The jurisdiction of this international organization is compromised by pressures of leading international subjects. By defining its strategic objectives, the position of the state sovereignty of its member states is determined. Consequently, it is necessary to induce the criteria and proposals to prevent such tendencies in order to preserve not only the cultural heritage of a nation, territory, religious population, but also its identity and its statehood.


2010 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 877-897 ◽  
Author(s):  
TERENCE CHONG

AbstractAccording to Prasenjit Duara, the sacredness of the nation hinges on its ‘regimes of authenticity’ where timelessness and the politics of embodiment are key to an authentic national identity. This paper looks at three different cultural impulses that have attempted to manufacture authenticity in Singapore. They are: the Malay literary movementAngkatan Sasterawan 50prior to independence; the state-sponsored Confucian ethics discourse during the 1980s; and the romanticization of the working-class ‘heartlander’ through contemporary popular culture in confrontation with the politics of global capitalism and globalization. In doing so, this paper articulates the difference between the regimes of authenticity of state elites and non-state cultural producers, as well as their ‘national imaginaries’. It concludes that the regime of authenticity, that operationalizes the representations of the working class as a diametric opposite to the logic and force of globalization, offers the most popular symbols of national identity in Singapore.


2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 757-779 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elliott Green

The process by which people transfer their allegiance from ethnic to national identities is highly topical yet somewhat opaque. This article argues that one of the key determinants of national identification is membership in a ‘core’ ethnic group, or Staatsvolk, and whether or not that group is in power. It uses the example of Uganda as well as Afrobarometer data to show that, when the core ethnic group is in power (as measured by the ethnic identity of the president), members of this group identify more with the nation, but when this group is out of power members identify more with their ethnic group. This finding has important implications for the study of nationalism, ethnicity and African politics.


2007 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
SUSANNE LACHENICHT

This article addresses the extent to which Protestant states in Europe and North America depicted the French Protestants who had found refuge in these states, as having contributed to the process of nation building and the formation of national identity. It is shown that the arrival of Huguenots was portrayed positively as the historians of these nations could contend that Huguenots had been absorbed readily into the host society because their virtues of frugality and industry corresponded admirably with the ethic of their hosts. The article demonstrates that, in no case, did this depiction correspond with reality. It shows that within those countries of refuge, Huguenots fostered a distinctive French Protestant identity that enabled them to remain aloof from the culture of their host society. In all cases Huguenots asserted themselves as a self-confident minority, convinced of the superiority of their language and culture who believed themselves to be privileged in this world as in the next. When national histories came to be composed, this dimension to the Huguenot minorities came to be expunged from historical memory as was also the fact that the Huguenots were but one of several minorities whose distinctiveness had contributed largely to the shaping of the state, culture, and society of the emerging nation-states.


2017 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 289-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taras Kuzio

This article is the first comparative study of the policies taken by Russian and Ukrainian émigré’s, governments and intellectuals towards the legacy of Soviet leader Joseph Stalin. The article analyses how these differing approaches have contributed to diverging national identities in Russia and Ukraine which preceded, and were reinforced by, the 2014 crisis in their relations and war between both countries. Stalinization was not a central question for Russian émigrés and was supported by 50 out of 69 years of the USSR and since 2000 by the Russian state. Ukrainian émigrés were more influential and the state actively supported de-Stalinization over the majority of 25 years of independent statehood that integrated de-Stalinisation with national identity and since 2015, de-communization.


2021 ◽  
pp. 38-55
Author(s):  
Melisa Zukić

The emergence of a nation can be understood through the prism of modernist or traditionalist ideas but both ideas agree on the fact that the struggle for territory and influence, the development of the state through the bureaucracy and the collective experience of the community are fundamental conditions for the emergence of a nation and national identity. National identity creates an atmosphere and space in which members of the nation exist, providing the possibility of socialization and cooperation between different strata of society that accept common values and traditions, which has enabled a uniform collective self-definition. The theoretical starting points for understanding the origin of the nation inevitably touch on the French theoretical aspect for which the state is a community of people in a certain area, the homeland is represented by a repository of historical memories, and the patria by a community of laws and institutions of unified political will. From the German theoretical aspect, the emphasis is on the nation as a community of birth and gender culture. The people are understood as a superfamily of common ancestors, languages, customs and religions. In addition to the above theories, the theory of the historical will to live together is unavoidable, which emphasizes the common historical destiny of people living in one country, thus creating a common identity that has a transcendent meaning. In addition to the above, the nation can be understood as a judicial-administrative product with a collective foundation in the state within which sovereignty arises. The cultural background of the creation of the nation and national identities, in its essence, opposes the modern desacralization of the world. Although Western nationalism offered an integrative force for the creation of larger states that no other ideology could provide until then, it led to bloody conflicts and violence in the transition from agrarian to industrial societies. The crises produced by nationalism have been overcome by secularized ideas, values, myths and symbols from the Judeo-Christian tradition, which is easiest to reach in Western European societies in times of crisis. Nation-states in the Muslim world did not appear until the 20th century. After the decisive secularization, nation-states became a political framework in Muslim societies as well. Nationality in its loyalty to the nation was opposed to the hitherto generally accepted loyalty to the ummah. In order to alleviate the tension in this regard, the starting point for the development of nations in Muslim societies is the secularization of traditional values. Religious feeling remains at the root of nationalism in Muslim societies, so loyalty to a nation implicitly means religious loyalty as well. Nevertheless, modern processes of globalization transcend nation and national identities as sources of interethnic conflicts. The foundations are being laid for a global pacification culture that encourages self-definition of local cultural identities and a new way of emphasizing people's sovereignty. As modernization failed in the expectation of weakening national consciousness, national identities and nationalist movements strengthened at the end of the 20th century. The nation once again has the potential to offer solutions to problems that have emerged in a globalizing world in which a sense of continuity of a common past has been disrupted, as important determinants of identity.


Author(s):  
Nasar Meer

The purpose of this chapter is to locate the discussion about Muslims in Scotland in relation to questions of national identity and multicultural citizenship. While the former has certainly been a prominent feature of public and policy debate, the latter has largely been overshadowed by constitutional questions raised by devolution and the referenda on independence. This means that, while we have undoubtedly progressed since MacEwen (1980) characterised the treatment of ‘race-relations’ in Scotland as a matter either of ‘ignorance or apathy’, the issue of where ethnic, racial and religious minorities rest in the contemporary landscape remains unsettled. One of the core arguments of this chapter is that these issues are all interrelated, and that the present and future status of Muslims in Scotland is tied up with wider debates about the ‘national question’. Hitherto, however, study of national identity in Scotland has often (though not always) been discussed in relation to the national identities of England, Wales and Britain as a whole.


2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ringo Ringvee

The article focuses on the relations between the state , mainstream religions and new religious movements in Estonia from the early 1990s until today. Estonia has been known as one of highly secular and religiously liberal countries. During the last twenty years Estonian religious scene has become considerably more pluralist, and there are many different religious traditions represented in Estonia. The governmental attitude toward new religious movements has been rather neutral, and the practice of multi-tier recognition of religious associations has not been introduced. As Estonia has been following neoliberal governance also in the field of religion, the idea that the religious market should regulate itself has been considered valid. Despite of the occasional conflicts between the parties in the early 1990s when the religious market was created the tensions did decrease in the following years. The article argues that one of the fundamental reasons for the liberal attitude towards different religious associations by the state and neutral coexistence of different traditions in society is that Estonian national identity does not overlap with any particular religious identity.


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