“ADULTS SEE POLITICS AS A GAME”: POLITICS OF KURDISH CHILDREN IN URBAN TURKEY

2013 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 775-790 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haydar Darıcı

AbstractThis article explores the political subjectivity of Kurdish children in urban Turkey. Often referred to as “stone-throwing children,” since the early 2000s Kurdish children have entered Turkish public discourse as central political actors of the urban Kurdish movement. I suggest that the politicization of children can be understood in the context of transformations in age and kinship systems within the Kurdish community that were shaped by the forced migration of Kurds in the early 1990s. Focusing on the experiences of Kurdish children in the city of Adana, I argue that memories of violence transmitted by displaced parents, combined with the children's experiences of urban life, including exclusion, discrimination, poverty, and state violence, necessitate a reevaluation of how childhood is conceived and experienced within the Kurdish community. In a context where Kurdish adults often have trouble integrating into the urban context, their children frequently challenge conventional power relations within their families as well as within the Kurdish movement. In contrast to a dominant Turkish public discourse positing that these children are being abused by politicized adults, I contend that Kurdish children are active agents who subvert the agendas and norms of not only Turkish but also Kurdish politics. The article analyzes the ways Kurdish children are represented in the public discourse, how they narrate and make sense of their own politicization, and the relationship between the memory and the postmemory of violence in the context of their mobilization.

1994 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 492-509 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARY L. VOLCANSEK

This essay traces the development of the power of the Italian Constitutional Court, the political impact of its policies, and its reception by the public and the other institutions of government. The relationship between the Court and Parliament is presented as one characterized by a synchronization of powers, and the Court has demonstrated reluctance to interfere in conflicts among the various branches of the national government. That timidity has not, however, carried over into its treatment of referenda or of national versus regional prerogatives. The Constitutional Court is, according to this analysis, a part of the national governing elite, and its most controversial decisions have been ones safeguarding the interests of that elite. By carefully acting as “quasi-guardians,” the Constitutional Court judges have cemented a solidly positive reputation and nurtured an aura of legitimacy that is rare among Italian political actors.


Tempo ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-263 ◽  
Author(s):  
André Luis Pereira Miatello

Abstract: From the sermons of the Dominican friar Jordan of Pisa (Giordano da Rivalto), between 1302-1307, this article intends to investigate the intersection between preaching and politics in 14th-century Italy, particularly in Florence. The aim is to investigate foremost the political mobilization aspect of preaching, which made the pulpit a forum for political reproduction and negotiation of the public debate and divisions inside the civic assembly; secondly, this paper discuss the role of preachers as political men, since they intended to interfere in public and individual practices in order to answer the urgent problems of the urban life. Based on the study of data obtained from three sermons of Giordano specially devoted to political issues, we discuss the medieval republicanism without separating the political and the religious and without incurring the political assumptions provided by modernity. In giordanian understanding the contrast between the City of God and the earthly city affirms the historicity of politics and, at the same time, expresses its perpetual essence, not doomed to disappear with the end of history.


Author(s):  
Toufoul Abou-Hodeib

This chapter details how late Ottoman reforms introduced notions of hygiene and aesthetics that reshaped the relationship between the home and its urban context. Drawing on nineteenth-century global modes of knowledge that privileged rectilinear urban forms and sought to manage daily lives in expanding cities, new bodies of Ottoman law introduced an understanding of "public benefit" that tied domestic habits and individual lives to the public collectivity of the city. The implementation of these laws by the municipal council of Beirut also brought capitalist changes into the home, redefining it as property with a value linked to urban beautification projects. But in the absence of a clear understanding of the relationship between public benefit and the home, the latter remained an open site of contestation, amenable to interpretation as a link between private lives and the larger project of modernity.


TERRITORIO ◽  
2012 ◽  
pp. 139-146
Author(s):  
Francesca Frigau ◽  
Pietro Pusceddu

In the autumn of 2010, the municipality and Faculty of Architecture of Alghero took part in a "manifestation of interest" for social housing pilot projects held by the Region of Sardinia. The formulation of the proposal constituted an opportunity for research into the relationship between housing policies and urban planning policies and on the role of housing in the construction of the "public town or city". It contained many innovative features, the most important of which was the use of ethical property funds and the involvement of the private sector in the construction of public sector assets. Considerations included the political dimension of the project, that which makes it a tool to acquire knowledge of the local area, a summary of its complexities never subordinate to policies or the mere application of them. The project is a platform capable of generating synergies and economic and social dynamics. In short it is able to trigger urban life processes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (22) ◽  
pp. 54
Author(s):  
Abdelkader El Amry

The professionalization of the actors of the purchasing process has now become an essential priority for the optimization of state purchases, especially since the public order now stands at 195 MMDH, equivalent to 17.4% of GDP. Public procurement is a very sensitive area since, very often, the stakes are of such a magnitude that they have an impact on the economy, the political, the social and the environment. To this end, the professionalization of public buyers remains in Morocco, one of the ways to reduce the risks and the negative consequences in the awarding of contracts. This is why, today, more and more public administrations are called upon to resort to competent public purchasers in the field of knowledge management regarding the regulation of public contracts in order to improve their missions. To inquire about the veracity of the contribution of the professionalization of the public purchasers to the efficiency of the public order. This investigation was undertaken in the form of a questionnaire filed with 06 sub-ordonnateurin the city of Meknes. The aim is to inquire about the relationship between the professionalization of public purchasers and other three determinants, namely: a) e-procurement , b) transparency, and c) the free play of competition , and how they commonly contribute to the efficiency of the public order. The result of this article reveal that the professionalization of public buyers is a key determinant of the efficiency of public procurement.


2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 388-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Pfetsch ◽  
Katrin Voltmer

After the demise of communist rule the relationship between media and politics in Eastern European countries has to adjust to the conditions of democratic politics and a competitive communication environment. This study explores how journalists and politicians understand their relationship past and present and what orientations govern their day-to-day interactions. The political communication cultures in Bulgaria and Poland are investigated on the basis of semi-structured interviews with journalists and politicians. The findings suggest that in Bulgaria closed-knitted networks between the two sets of actors continue to shape political communication breeding ‘deals’ and even corruption that seriously undermine the independence of political journalism. In contrast, political communication roles in Poland appear more differentiated making it more difficult for political actors to exercise control over the public agenda.


Somatechnics ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-200
Author(s):  
Natalie Kouri-Towe

In 2015, Queers Against Israeli Apartheid Toronto (QuAIA Toronto) announced that it was retiring. This article examines the challenges of queer solidarity through a reflection on the dynamics between desire, attachment and adaptation in political activism. Tracing the origins and sites of contestation over QuAIA Toronto's participation in the Toronto Pride parade, I ask: what does it mean for a group to fashion its own end? Throughout, I interrogate how gestures of solidarity risk reinforcing the very systems that activists desire to resist. I begin by situating contemporary queer activism in the ideological and temporal frameworks of neoliberalism and homonationalism. Next, I turn to the attempts to ban QuAIA Toronto and the term ‘Israeli apartheid’ from the Pride parade to examine the relationship between nationalism and sexual citizenship. Lastly, I examine how the terms of sexual rights discourse require visible sexual subjects to make individual rights claims, and weighing this risk against political strategy, I highlight how queer solidarities are caught in a paradox symptomatic of our times: neoliberalism has commodified human rights discourses and instrumentalised sexualities to serve the interests of hegemonic power and obfuscate state violence. Thinking through the strategies that worked and failed in QuAIA Toronto's seven years of organising, I frame the paper though a proposal to consider political death as a productive possibility for social movement survival in the 21stcentury.


Author(s):  
Jordan T. Camp

While many analysts have commented on the representation of 1968 campus events and antiwar demonstrations, less attention has been paid to the global significance of the dramatic struggles in industrial Detroit during the period. The meanings of events in the city were intensely fought over. As Stuart Hall, Chas Critcher, Tony Jefferson, John Clarke, and Brian Roberts observed, the events of 1968 were “an act of collective will, the breaks and ruptures stemming from the rapid expansion in the ideology, culture and civil structures of the new capitalism . . . in the form of a ‘crisis of authority.’” In Detroit the crisis of authority was expressed in the form of popular political struggles against racism, state violence, and the contradictions of life in the industrial capitalist city. This article asks and answers the following research questions about the struggle over the meaning of this decisive turning point in US history: What was the relationship between racial ordering, uneven capitalist development, and mass antiracist and class struggles? How did Black working-class organic intellectuals resist and alter hegemonic definitions of the situation? How are the dialectics of insurgency and counterinsurgency to be best theorized during this precise historical conjuncture? 


Author(s):  
Azhari Amri

Film Unyil puppet comes not just part of the entertainment world that can be enjoyed by people from the side of the story, music, and dialogue. However, there is more value in it which is a manifestation of the creator that can be absorbed into the charge for the benefit of educating the children of Indonesia to the public at large. The Unyil puppet created by the father of Drs. Suyadi is one of the works that are now widely known by the whole people of Indonesia. The process of creating a puppet Unyil done with simple materials and formation of character especially adapted to the realities of the existing rural region. Through this process, this research leads to the design process is fundamentally educational puppet inspired by the creation of Si Unyil puppet. The difference is the inspiring character created in this study is on the characters that exist in urban life, especially the city of Jakarta. Thus the results of this study are the pattern of how to shape the design of products through the creation of the puppet with the approach of urban culture.


Author(s):  
Aled Davies

This book is a study of the political economy of Britain’s chief financial centre, the City of London, in the two decades prior to the election of Margaret Thatcher’s first Conservative government in 1979. The primary purpose of the book is to evaluate the relationship between the financial sector based in the City, and the economic strategy of social democracy in post-war Britain. In particular, it focuses on how the financial system related to the social democratic pursuit of national industrial development and modernization, and on how the norms of social democratic economic policy were challenged by a variety of fundamental changes to the City that took place during the period....


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